Excavating Archaeological Sites
Jennifer M. Zovar; Cerisa Reynolds; Amanda Wolcott Paskey; and AnnMarie Beasley Cisneros
Learning Objectives
- Describe the process of archaeological excavation
- Explain how different site formation processes affect excavation and interpretation
- Explain the significance of context, provenience, stratigraphy and chronology in archaeological excavation
- Evaluate appropriate excavation strategies for different circumstances
- Explain the ethics of archaeological excavation and collection

I love excavation. I love being outside and getting into the dirt. I love the potential that I might be the first person in 100, 500, or 1000 years to touch a specific object or uncover a feature that tells the story of past human activities. Even on days (or months!) where nothing much is ‘discovered,’ I like the meditative process of slowly scraping through the soil, watching for minute changes in color and texture that may indicate human activity. I enjoy the discipline of plotting a measured, methodical grid across a site and cutting clear, straight unit walls that show the layers of human activity and other natural processes. I like how archaeological excavation unites physical activity with mental analysis in a way that few academic disciplines do. I routinely tell my students that excavation is the most fun part of archaeology (Figure 1).
BUT, with all of that in mind, it is important to begin this chapter on archaeological excavation with three warnings:
- Excavation is only a very small part of what practicing archaeologists actually do – and some archaeologists never go near a trowel. Background research, surveying, mapping, lab work, and analysis are all equally important components of the archaeological process.
- When you excavate an archaeological site, you are destroying it. You can’t excavate the same ground twice – and this means that it is essential to carefully record everything that you do.
- There are important ethical concerns about who has (or should have) authority over sites, artifacts, and landscapes of the past. This includes the power to make decisions about whether archaeological sites should be excavated – and if so, when, and by whom.
We’ll reflect back on these warnings as we move through the chapter. For now, let’s begin with a quick review of what an archaeological site is and how archaeologists go about exploring it.
Defining Archaeological Sites
While archaeological survey takes place over regions and landscapes, excavation takes place at the level of the archaeological site. But just what is a site? Although the term is widely used, its definition is deceptively complicated. Many in the general public assume an archaeological site must include some sort of ancient monumental architecture, but this is not the case. At its most basic, an archaeological site is a place where there is physical evidence of past human activity. A site may be formed because someone lost or threw away one or more objects as they went about their daily activities. Sites may also be created on purpose, through the burial of offerings, caches, or human remains. Finally, a site could be the result of the abandonment of a settlement, structure, or campsite.
Notably, an archaeological site does not always correspond to an area that would have been understood as meaningful to the people who used it. This is because archaeological sites depend on the deposition of material objects or physical changes to the landscape – and not all activities have a physical trace.
For example, when I was growing up, I spent a lot of time in the woods behind my childhood home, building forts or playing hide-and-go-seek with my sister. Other than the odd lost toy, there is no material evidence of that portion of my childhood. However, some old metal tools that were abandoned (but never used) in those same woods are still present. The material evidence leaves a very unbalanced perspective on how this area was used during the 1980s. Think about your own daily lives; which activities leave a material trace, and which do not?
Robert Dunnell (1992) critiqued the concept of ‘site’ in archaeology as being essentially unhelpful to our understanding of the past, noting that sites are defined by the archaeologists who observe them rather than by the people who lived within them. He argued that the term ‘site’ is defective in part because it could lead the archaeologist to overlook how an individual feature fit into a larger archaeological landscape.
Moreover, it’s important to note that an archaeological site may include more than one occupation period, and each occupation may have different boundaries. If I camp by the river and several years later someone builds a factory there, the remains of our two occupations may partially overlap, despite being part of two very different histories. Nevertheless, when an archaeologist records the area, it could be noted as only one site.
Despite these very valid critiques, the term ‘site’ is still standard in archaeological usage, and necessary in cultural resource management in order to be able to legally protect our archaeological heritage. As we excavate, however, we should keep these considerations in mind as we consider how the site was formed. An understanding of site formation processes should affect how we excavate and how we interpret what we find.
Site Formation Processes
Context at a site is critical to understanding archaeological data fully. Archaeologists need to understand the not only the types of artifacts and features at sites they encounter, but also how such remains may have entered the archaeological record, and what happened to them after they are deposited or left behind by humans.
The study of what happens to archaeological remains after burial or deposition is called taphonomy. Taphonomy is important because it is likely that some deposited objects are not in situ – which is Latin for “still,” meaning they are in their original place of deposition – when uncovered by archaeologists. Determining who or what could have caused the item to move from its original depositional location to the current location is important to understanding the complex contextual information presented at the site. For example, a plow in a field could churn the soil, disturbing an unknown archaeological site and redistributing the artifacts.
Site formation processes refer to the way that objects or features become part of the archaeological record through natural processes or as a result of human activity. After a settlement, structure, or campsite is abandoned, the materials left behind may be affected by plant activity, animal activity, human activity, or architectural collapse. For example, the city of Pripyat in Ukraine was abandoned after the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster in 1986, and drone footage from 2013-2016 shows what still remains 20 years after the town was evacuated.
As we excavate, we need to be able to tell if the placement or preservation of different items is due to their original deposition or the result of post-occupation site formation processes. After watching the video of Pripyat, look around the place in which you are currently sitting. If that space were abandoned today, what materials would still be there in 30 years? 300? 3,000? 30,000? What materials would have decomposed? What might be in that space that is not there now? What materials would have been moved around and why? How might decomposition or movement of various items affect future archaeologists’ interpretation of the use of that space?
When archaeologists understand what forces and events could have had an impact on the position of archaeological remains, they are better equipped to answer questions. Such as:
- Are marks on a bone from animal gnawing? Or are the marks signs of early human tool use?
- Was a collection of artifacts was deposited haphazardly? Or were they deposited by a mudslide?
There are many ways for the archaeological record to get mixed up. When archaeologists are excavating and looking at sediments, they are keeping an eye out for something that can alter the integrity of archaeological sites and can impact our stratigraphic profiles. There are a number of different natural formation processes that could affect archaeological interpretation.
A general label you may hear for some natural site formation processes is “bioturbation.” Bioturbation is when any biological organism (rodents, plant or tree roots, etc.) disturb sediments. This can interfere with our ability to understand the archaeological record.

For example, artifacts, ecofacts, and features may be moved as a result of plant growth, especially as roots push through the soil or vines break through architecture. Rodents or other animals may burrow through a site, moving artifacts around, and these burrows may be mistaken for post-holes or other archaeological features. Such floralturbation and faunalturbation can be identified in many abandoned structures (Figure 2).
Other natural site formation processes include cryoturbation (the mixing of soils and associated artifacts due to the freezing and thawing of groundwater), argilliturbation (which occurs in clay soils as they get wet and dry), and graviturbation (which occurs in hilly environments as soils, rocks, and associated artifacts roll downhill).
Identifying natural formation processes and distinguishing them can be really difficult! We can usually see bioturbation because it creates sediments that are of a different color and different texture than the surrounding sediments. In fact, bioturbation is often identifiable because it creates sediments that are much softer than the surrounding sediments. Imagine a mouse digging through 1,000 year old sediments. The older sediments will have become hard and stable over time, whereas the burrow will include organic materials (including leaves, grass, and feces) and will get filled in by sediments falling into the burrow from above and from the walls of the burrow. This creates a different composition (hence the different color) and a different, softer, younger texture. Like many other parts of archaeology, experience will help you see and feel the differences!
Cultural formation processes affect the ultimate presentation of archaeological sites as well. Artifacts from a site may be collected and parts of a site may be reused in a manner different from what was originally intended. Cultural disturbance, like building or farming on top of a previously occupied site, also affects the way the site may appear to archaeologists. By the time a site is recorded, it is often composed primarily of refuse or material that people considered to be no longer useful.
For example, at a site I worked at in Bolivia, a local man shared that as a child one of his jobs had been to collect batanes (grinding stones) that could still be used, and that these would be sold at the market. As a result, archaeologists likely have a significant undercount of batanes that were actually used at the site. Likewise, across the United States, as family farms failed throughout the 20th century, many buildings initially built to house animals were reused for storage or trash, much of which may not be related to the original occupation. In contrast, some of these structures were revitalized and transformed into “rustic” wedding venues. Either form of reuse could confuse future archaeologists interested in the structure, which is why all site formation processes should be considered as we design our excavation strategies.
Excavation Strategies
An excavation begins by deciding where to dig. Archaeologists do not dig haphazardly! Whether we are working in CRM (Cultural Resource Management) or as part of an academic project, we first carefully identify which sites to excavate and where to excavate on a given site. An excavation needs to be planned according to several factors: the goal of the research, available funding, time in the field, and legal/ethical concerns.
Goals, Constraints, and Guidelines
The first thing to consider is the goal of the research. Why are you excavating in the first place? In CRM in the United States, archaeological sites are most often identified in Phase I.This work happens ahead of projects that may impact or destroy any archaeological sites in the project area. You’ll learn more about this process in the chapter on Cultural Resource Management and Archaeology chapter.
Excavation may take place in Phase II or Phase III CRM work. A Phase II excavation is generally small in scale, designed to test the integrity and importance of the archaeological site to see if it is eligible for inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places. A Phase III excavation is full data recovery, designed to learn as much as possible about the site. CRM projects can answer important questions that can best be answered by excavating a specific site or part of a site that would otherwise be destroyed.

In contrast, an academic project should be guided by a specific, focused research question. What do you hope to learn? An archaeologist who is interested in investigating subsistence strategies would take a very different approach to excavation than one who is researching burial practices, for example. At my own excavations at the site of Pukara de Khonkho in Bolivia, I was most interested in the everyday lives of people at the settlement. As a result, I focused my excavations around the circular domestic structures that were visible on the surface of the site (Figure 3).
Funding is often a limiting factor when it comes to planning an excavation strategy, and this can be true in both CRM and academic contexts. CRM companies will generally bid for projects, trying to balance the need to put forth a competitive bid with the need to earn money to pay the archaeologists and field technicians and also have sufficient funding to effectively follow an appropriate research design. There can sometimes be pressure to complete a project as quickly and cheaply as possible. At the same time, organizations that contract an archaeology firm may have trouble with their own budgetary resources. I once worked on a CRM project that stalled because the development company that had contracted the firm I was working for did not have the funds to continue.
In the academic world, projects are mostly funded through grants. Grants can come from the archaeologist’s own institution, from private granting organizations (e.g. Wenner Gren Foundation, Sigma Xi), from the federal government (e.g. National Science Foundation, Fulbright-Hays), from state or local governments or from non-governmental organizations. Another avenue for funding for an archaeologist working at a college or university is to develop a field school around her research agenda so that student tuition/fees can help fund the work. Because of the constant need for funding, archaeologists often spend considerable time working on grant applications or finding other ways to support their field seasons.
Another limiting factor for any archaeological excavation is time. CRM archaeologists need to complete the work within the scheduled time period and will often have developers urging them to be as fast as possible. Academic archaeologists usually work in the classroom through the fall, winter, and spring, so often end up only being able to do fieldwork in the summer months – or if it is possible to get time off of teaching through a sabbatical or other arrangement. When combined with the need to travel to a site – sometimes in a different country – and navigate paperwork and other bureaucracy before beginning any excavation, this often means that project directors must try to fit in a lot of work into a short time period. This may lead to long days of excavation with minimal time off during the field season. It also means that much of the rest of the year is spent in preparation for what may only be a couple months (or less) of excavation, survey, and other field research.
Last, but certainly not least, it is important to consider the legal and ethical perspective. As discussed in the Cultural Resource Management and Archaeology chapter, excavation in the United States is regulated under the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) and associated laws, which require coordination with State Historic Preservation Offices (SHPO), Tribal Historic Preservation Offices (THPO), and other interested parties, including current landowners. You cannot just dig without the appropriate permits! Similar laws exist around the world, and if you are an archaeologist working in another country, it is your responsibility to adhere to any legal requirements surrounding excavation and the treatment/curation of any excavated objects. For example, when I took part in a research project in Bolivia, we needed to follow the protocols of the national government (through the Unidad Nacional de Arqueología) as well as make arrangements with the local community and individual landowners where the excavations would take place. This often required prolonged discussions and negotiations before we could even think about picking up a trowel. As discussed in Archaeological Ethics and World Heritage chapter, such discussions are incredibly important, especially as it concerns descendant communities, and no excavation should ever be conducted without genuine consultation.

Gridding the Site
Once an archaeologist has considered her goals, funding, time, and legal/ethical considerations, it’s time to begin the project! Archaeologists often begin by mapping a grid over the archaeological site. A basic grid helps us keep track of where different archaeological features are found, where excavation units are placed, and how everything relates spatially.
These grids are usually set up using the metric system often on a 1-meter by 1-meter unit (square). The grid scale can be adjusted smaller (25 centimeters by 25 centimeters) or larger (2-meters by 2-meters), depending on what one is looking for. The scale of excavation units for a study is selected based on the types of questions the researcher hopes to address.
When a scale has been established, archaeologists create a grid system based on the coordinates of a fixed point – or datum -which is used for all of their future measurements. The datum typically is a prominent, easy to relocate at a fixed Global Positioning System (GPS) point that is immovable so future researchers who can find it again and make reference to it.
Mapping is an integral part of modern archaeology. We make maps of entire sites and many, many maps of each feature and unit (including each unit’s stratigraphic profiles) while we excavate. Archaeologists make maps by hand, but we also use numerous other technologies that can add dimension or accuracy. We can also use a variety of other techniques to help us record the exact location of features, artifacts, and unit corners. One of the most common tools is a Total Station, which uses a computer and laser to record locations (Figure 4). The data can then be used to create elaborate maps of artifact and unit locations.
Vertical vs. Horizontal Excavation

Depending on the site and the research question, the excavation strategy first considers whether vertical vs. horizontal excavations are necessary. In a vertical excavation, the archaeologists dig deep excavation units, sometimes in a “telephone booth” style. This is useful in highlighting the site’s Figure 6: Horizontal excavation shows an entire excavation layer. This example from Khonkho Wankane, Bolivia shows the author by the remains of a large structure built along a long compound wall.[/caption]
id=”989″]stratigraphy; archaeologists can clearly see the layers of the soil (and the different contexts of site occupation) in the unit walls. Such excavations may also be necessary if the archaeologists are interested in very early time periods that are under deep soil deposits or if they want to better understand the chronology of site occupation. However, because it takes a long time to dig a deep hole, they would excavate fewer excavation units overall, and would only ever uncover small snapshots of the occupation layers they are interested in (Figure 5).
In contrast, a horizontal excavation is designed to bring an entire section or site down to a single occupation layer. This helps archaeologists to see how the different parts of the site were situated in relationship to each other at the time of occupation. This is a great strategy if researchers are following a wall or a building, and want to see it in its entirety. However, if the site was occupied at different times, it prioritizes one occupation over others. Archaeologists would have to dig through (and thus destroy) later occupations to uncover the one they are interested in, and may never get down to earlier occupations (Figure 6).
Sampling Strategies
In almost any context, archaeologists will not be able to excavate an entire site – nor would they want to. Remember, excavation is destruction, so it is always good practice to preserve at least part of the site in situ for future researchers.\
Depending on the specific needs of the project, a sampling strategy for excavation may be random, stratified random, systematic, or judgmental (Figure 7.)

So what is the difference between these four sampling strategies?
A random sample is exactly that. An archaeologist would look at the site grid, number it, and use a random number generator (or similar approach) to select where to place the units. This may be useful if the archaeologist doesn’t know much about the site and is trying to get some basic information.
A stratified random sample is when the archaeologist wants to ensure that she has proportional coverage of different parts of the site. For example, if a site had a clear ritual section and a domestic section, the archaeologist would select a proportional number of units in each area, but the placement of specific units within the area would be random.

A systematic sample would mean excavating a unit in a consistent pattern across the site. This would ensure full, even coverage of the area, but following the pattern strictly also means that the archaeologist could not prioritize areas of the site with a higher probability of producing useful information.
Finally a judgmental sample simply means that the archaeologist would choose where she wants to dig. This is a good way to prioritize specific parts of the site – especially if there is limited time – but has the disadvantage of playing into the researcher’s bias and potentially ignoring the parts of the site that the researcher does not think are important.
In the real world, most excavation strategies use a balance of each approach.
For example, in my work on the site of Pukara de Khonkho, I made the judgmental decision to place the excavation units around previously mapped structures because I was interested in everyday life at the site. I chose a stratified random sample of those structures, making sure to select a proportional number of structures from different parts of the site. (Figure 8).
Excavation Methods
Obviously, there are pros and cons to any excavation strategy, but at a certain point, it’s time to get in the dirt and open the first unit! Through the last few pages, I’ve been referring the archaeological unit, but have not yet defined the term. This is simply the name that is given to the area that is dug for excavation. Archaeological units are usually square, but can be of different sizes depending on the landscape and research question. These squares are usually set up using the metric system often on a 1-meter by 1-meter unit (square). The grid scale can be adjusted smaller (25 centimeters by 25 centimeters) or larger (2-meters by 2-meters), depending on what one is looking for.
The scale of excavation units for a study is selected based on the types of questions the researcher hopes to address. We dig in square shapes in order to maintain some control over the space of excavation and to help with mapping. The units are generally tied into the overall site grid and oriented to the cardinal directions (North/East/South/West). Archaeologists are very careful to dig nice, straight walls that clearly show a profile of the site’s stratigraphy. (Believe me; archaeologists can get very intense about their unit’s walls. If you ever walk too close to the edge of a unit and collapse a wall, you will see real anger!)
Tools of Excavation

The trowel (Figure 9) is probably the most important tool in the archaeologist’s toolkit (quite literally), and is often symbolic of the discipline as a whole. The standard is a pointed masonry trowel, although a complete toolkit will also often include a “margin trowel” with a rectangular blade to help shape the corners of the excavation unit. Marshalltown trowels inspire fairly intense brand loyalty (at least among US archaeologists), as referenced in Flannery’s (1982) classic tongue-in-cheek ode to the field “The Golden Marshalltown.” Field archaeologists tend to have a strong attachment to their personal trowels, and will use the same one for many years. Archaeologists usually keep their trowels sharpened (using a metal file) so that they can more easily cut through small roots during excavation. It is truly a multi-faceted tool, and I’ve even known some archaeologists to practice competitive trowel-throwing events – on breaks, of course. (See The ArchaeoOlympic Games for more suggested events – not to be tried at home!)

However, the trowel is far from the only tool used in excavation. Archaeologists need a compass to orient the unit. Measuring tapes are necessary to make sure the unit is plotted to the correct size. When plotting a 2×2 meter unit, for example, it is possible to ensure that the corners are in the right place by measuring out a 2.83 meter hypotenuse. And you thought you’d never need to use the Pythagorean theorem (Figure 10)!
Nails are used to mark the corners of the unit, and they are wrapped with string, to show the boundaries of the unit wall. An extra length of string is tied to the nail that is chosen as the unit datum (often the highest corner). When a line level is hung from this string to ensure a consistent height, the archaeologist can then measure to the unit floor to keep track of the depth of excavation or to note the location of a specific artifact or feature. (Figure 11).

When it comes to digging, a project may start with a backhoe, a shovel, or a pickaxe to help cut through the thick topsoil and to quickly remove layers of soil that lie over the archaeological context. The choice of tool depends entirely on the type of project and the type of soil. In an environment where archaeologists expect the archaeological materials to appear at a deeper level (for example, when a site is known to lie under plowed farm fields), a backhoe may be used to more quickly remove the upper levels, although a monitor should usually still stand outside and watch to ensure that nothing unexpected is found. A pickaxe may be used if the soil is very compact. On most of the projects I’ve worked on, however, I’ve begun with a flat-edged shovel, sharpened so that it can easily cut through and remove the sod.
Once the archaeologists are through the thick topsoil and into the levels where they expect to find archaeological materials, they usually switch to hand tools. Trowels are used to scrape dirt into dustpans, which are then dumped into dig buckets. Clippers cut roots/branches that intrude into the excavation unit. Brushes are important to clean artifacts in situ. At times, smaller or more specialized tools can be used in specific contexts. For example, bamboo tools are often used for excavating around bone in order to avoid scratching it.

All dirt from the excavation is put through a screen in order to make sure no artifacts are overlooked. Screens can be different sizes and styles depending on the needs of the excavation. A small hand screen can be carried and used by an individual excavator. A larger rocking sifting screen has two legs that sit on the ground, with the archaeologist holding up the other end; to use this screen, a second archaeologist must be responsible for shoveling and loading the dirt into the screen. While these screens are relatively portable, in longer term excavations, archaeologists might set up larger table screens or hang a screen from a tripod (Figure 12). In the United States, the standard screen size is ¼ inch. This is usually wide enough that the dirt will fall through, but small enough to leave most artifacts/ecofacts behind. Sometimes the screen is of different sizes, depending on the needs of the excavation. For example, since fish bones are often small enough to fall through a standard ¼ inch screen, a sample of soil may be put through a 1/8 inch screen to see if anything is consistently being missed.
How to Dig
Excavation continues in controlled levels. Archaeologists do not dig into the dirt, creating uneven holes. Instead, the trowels are used in a slow scraping motion, taking down the whole unit evenly, a little bit at a time. Excavation pauses at points for notetaking, sketching maps, and to separate the artifacts/ecofacts found at different depths.
When a specific feature is noted (like a pit, a hearth, or a posthole) the feature is excavated separately, in order to keep the items found in that context together and apart from the surrounding soil matrix. This may be useful later in analysis, when archaeologists are trying to date different components of site occupation.
When possible, archaeologists will try to leave an artifact in place until its location can be directly mapped in. Archaeologists are most concerned with context—how an artifact or other type of archaeological data was found in relation to everything else at the archaeological site.
An artifact’s context includes its provenience, exactly where the object was found (horizontally and vertically) in the site; its association in terms of its relationship and positioning with other objects; and the matrix of natural materials such as sediments surrounding and enclosing the object in place.
Archaeologists will measure not only where an artifact or feature is located on a XY axis within the unit itself, but will also measure its depth (as shown in Figure 11) to get a better idea of how it relates to other site artifacts, features and geology. At times, artifacts and features will be recorded using GPS coordinates, but these are not always accurate at the scale archaeologists need in all parts of the world.

Sometimes excavation follows arbitrary (usually 10 cm) levels; other times, archaeologists will attempt to follow the natural levels of the soil. Both techniques provide a vertical control to let the excavators know where any artifacts are coming from. Artificial levels are useful when archaeologists do not know the geology of the area well or when there are not clear distinctions visible in the soil between different occupations or time periods. This avoids mixing of artifacts/ecofacts from different depths, and can be useful in later setting the chronology. When it is possible to clearly distinguish natural layers, however, following these levels can help to distinguish between different deposition events, leading to even better chronological control. As archaeologists dig, they always endeavor to keep the side walls of the unit straight and clean. This helps archaeologists to better identify the site’s stratigraphy, which will later be important in determining chronology. Can you see the shift from the thick grey ash towards the top of the profile to to the darker brown subsoil in the image at left? (Figure 13)
Stratigraphy is the study of the layers of soil within an area. It is an important component of all excavations but particularly critical for vertical excavations. Stratigraphic data assist archaeologists in putting the archaeological record into context; the data provide a relative way to date the site and its contents and can provide some contextual clues about natural formation processes that occurred after the site was abandoned. For stratification to be used scientifically, scientists make two assumptions:
- Soils generally accumulate in layers that are laid down parallel to the Earth’s surface.
- Older soils will typically (but not always) be found below younger soils. Or simply, that the old stuff will be on the bottom. This is also know as the Law of Superposition.
These two assumptions allow archaeologists and others using stratigraphy in their work to understand how the soils accumulated and to use the layers to “tell time.” Vertical excavations move down through sediments and help archaeologists learn more about the site by revealing a site’s stratigraphy! Archaeologists often work with geologists or geoarchaeologists to understand the stratigraphy at a site and what that stratigraphy tells us about the history of the site. Researchers must pay close attention to the context and provenience of the sediments – in addition to the material remains – they are finding and record their observations on numerous forms and through mapping and photographs.
Finally, after the excavation is complete and all notes have been taken, the excavators carefully backfill the units. This helps protect the unexcavated portions of the site. Besides, no one wants a field full of holes!
Recording and Collection

Through it all, no matter where you are working, the most important thing to remember is to take careful notes, as you can see me doing at the site of Pukara de Khonkho (Bolivia) in the image at right (Figure 14). You never get a second chance to excavate an archaeological unit. Once you have removed the soil and the artifacts, it is impossible to put them back exactly the way you found them. In this sense, archaeological excavation differs from other sciences because it is never fully replicable. Through the process of excavation, an archaeologist is destroying the site. If careful notes are not taken at every stage, information is being destroyed — and there is no way to get it back.
How/What to Record
It is one thing to remember that note-taking is important. It is another to figure out exactly what you should record for any given excavation. Different archaeologists have vastly different note-taking styles. Some have a tendency to record literally everything – from the weather, to the way the dew sparkled on the flowers, to their mood that day, to what they had for lunch… If an archaeologist writes too much, especially if it is disorganized, it can be difficult for a later researcher to find the important data amongst her prose. In contrast, you can imagine it is even more frustrating to try to decipher field notes that are too sparse, where the information the researcher needs was never recorded in the first place.
For this reason, most archaeological excavations have standardized forms – or context sheets – that have spaces for the information that the excavators are expected to collect from each level or feature context. The specific items on each form vary from project to project depending on the research design and local idiosyncrasies. However, most include spaces to record the name of the site, the date of excavation, the number of the unit, the level and/or feature number, the depth and size of the context, the color and texture of the soil, the number and type of artifacts, ecofacts, and/or features that were discovered, preliminary interpretations, and any other notes and/or sketches. You can see examples of some context sheets (along with a lesson about how to use them to collect and analyze data) in the “Gabbing about Gabii” Data Story exercise, linked at the end of this chapter.
All collected artifacts and ecofacts are preliminarily put in a bag clearly marked with its provenience. These three-dimensional x, y, z coordinates, including its layer and its specific position relative to the surface (the depth at which it was found) records its former position in situ. As work goes along, a field catalog is created that records everything that was uncovered in the field.
Part of taking good notes also includes collecting good images. Photographs are taken of the archaeological excavation at regular intervals, and some projects supplement with more technological imagery including multispectral imaging or aerial photos from UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles). However, not all imaging requires technology; many archaeological projects also include an archaeological illustrator. Illustrators are skilled at recording the sorts of details that do not show up well in photos, and can also be commissioned to draw site or artifact reconstructions.
Even for archaeologists without an artistic talent, however, it is important to be able to draw basic sketches. These include plot maps of the floors of the different levels of the unit as well as of the profile walls. These drawings should plot the location of relevant features as well as artifacts and ecofacts that were found in situ. Remember, when it comes to analysis, it is absolutely essential to know where an artifact comes from in order to be able to interpret what it means. In fact, I would argue that the most important thing about any excavated artifact is its provenience, the way it relates to other artifacts, features, or local geology.
How/What to Collect
When the notes are complete, it’s time to consider what else you will be taking away from the archaeological site. In most cases, excavators will collect lithics (stone artifacts), ceramics, metals, bone tools, other animal bone, human bone and any other objects identified in the field that were made and/or used by humans. These items will be collected in paper or cloth bags, which are carefully labelled by context so that it will be clear what items were found where when they get into the lab. In addition, burnt wood or other carbon samples are often collected in order to be tested for radiocarbon dating, You’ll learn more about how we test samples in the Dating Methods in Archaeology chapter. Carbon samples should be carefully wrapped in aluminum foil; avoid touching with your hands to reduce the possibility of contamination. In addition, soil samples are often collected from relevant contexts for flotation or other specialized analyses.
Criteria for what should be collected and what should be left behind differ based on the project design and the local archaeological standards. In some cases, it can be hard to tell what is meaningful and what is not when you are in the field. I have been on many projects when objects that looked like lithic debitage in the field turned out to be simple, unmodified rocks once they were cleaned up and analyzed in the lab! In this case, it is generally better to err on the side of caution. An unmodified rock can be thrown out in the lab, but you’ll never get another chance to collect an artifact if you leave it in the field. Archaeologists must also consider where the artifacts will be stored once they are cleaned and analyzed. Good curation is important so that collections can be restudied in the future, but there is a shortage of high-quality facilities available.
In some cases, though, objects cannot – or should not – be collected. Some are too big to be moved from their locations, or they may be part of features (like a part of a structure) that will lose their integrity if removed from the site; preservation may be better in situ than if an item was removed to a lab or repository. In other cases, items should not be removed in accordance with the will of the local or descendant community. There may be spiritual or political reasons that particular items must stay in the location where they were originally found. This is often the case with mortuary or religious contexts. In making these decisions, and indeed through the entire excavation, it is essential to be following clear standards of archaeological ethics.
Ethical Considerations
As discussed in the chapter on Archaeological Ethics and World Heritage, there are various standards of archaeological ethics that govern professional archaeological activities around the world. In the United States, the best known is the Code of Ethics of the Society for American Archaeology, which highlights nine principles: stewardship; accountability; commercialization; public education and outreach; intellectual property; public reporting and publication; records and preservation; training and resources; and safe educational and workplace environments. In this chapter, I draw on this and other ethical codes in considering archaeologists’ responsibilities as we excavate – responsibilities to those with whom we work, to the archaeological record, to descendant communities, and to students and others interested in learning about the past.
Perhaps the first priority is to make sure that the field site is a safe environment for all who work there. This means making sure the excavation is physically safe: don’t dig units that are dangerously deep, and be aware of the potential for dangerous falls or accidents with sharpened trowels or other tools. Every field site should have a first aid kit, and directors should be aware of the nearest health facility – keeping in mind that field research may be far from well-populated areas. Conducting physical labor in a variety of different environments increases the risk for heatstroke, frostbite, allergies, and other environmental hazards. In certain contexts archaeologists should also be prepared for animal attacks, including snake and insect bites. Bacteria and parasites can also be threats, as can hazardous waste, buried chemicals, or even unexploded ordinances that can be encountered during excavation (Poirier & Feder 2001).
In addition, excavation sites should be free from sexual harassment or discrimination. Unfortunately, this has not always been the case. In fact, a recent survey of field-based sciences (including archaeology) found that a majority of female scientists have experienced sexual harassment and discrimination in the field, and sexual assault is also common (Clancy et al. 2014; Meyers et al. 2018). Racial discrimination is also a problem, especially as archaeology – particularly field archaeology – remains a predominately white discipline. See “Why the Whiteness of Archaeology is a Problem” for some specific examples and directions for growth. Until our field sites can be safe for all practitioners, it is difficult to make progress towards stewardship, collaboration, education, or any of our other goals.
Stewardship is the goal to preserve and protect the archaeological record – keeping it out of the hands of looters and other commercial interests. This means excavating judiciously. Since excavation is destruction, archeologists should only dig when we would learn more from the process than we would gain from preserving the site in situ – or when such preservation is impossible due to outside forces like development or climate events. When possible, at least part of the site should be left unexcavated for future archaeologists who may have the advantage of new technologies for analysis and different research questions to investigate. If a site may be threatened by looters, it is essential to not share its exact coordinates publicly unless it is well protected and/or there is a meaningful reason for doing so (e.g. a public outreach campaign). Archaeologists must also care for the objects that are excavated, making sure that they are appropriately curated and stored. In order to discourage commercialization, archaeologists should avoid providing estimates of price for items found on their sites. And it goes without saying that archaeologists should never engage in commercial activity around artifacts that they have personally collected through excavation.

Accountability (to descendant communities and other stakeholders) is key, especially when it comes to human remains or religious sites. Archaeologists do not have an inherent right to excavate anywhere they please; we must coordinate and collaborate with descendent community members and current land-owners in addition to following any state or national-level legislation. While it is a science of the past, all science is conducted for the benefit of living peoples, and the needs of those most closely affiliated with the cultural resources should be prioritized. This means respecting that some sites should never be excavated, and that certain protocols may be necessary in other contexts. For example, in the Aymara community in Bolivia where I have conducted research, it is necessary to prepare a waxt’a (an offering) for the Pachamama (the Aymara ‘Earth Mother’) before any sort of excavation begins. This offering is performed by a yatiri (an Aymara ritual specialist) in accordance with local tradition (Figure 15). This is similar to what is done when the earth is broken for agriculture or construction. The land (and features on the landscape) are living beings in this context – part of the community within which the archaeologists work.
As archaeologists excavate, it’s important to remember our responsibility to share what we have learned, first with descendent communities and other stakeholders, but also with the broader public. We have already discussed the importance of good field notes. However, there is little value in even the most comprehensive field notes if they are simply stored in a researcher’s file cabinet or on her hard drive. For this reason, it is considered an ethical responsibility for archaeologists to publish what they’ve learned. Academic archaeologists generally are most rewarded for publishing in peer-reviewed research journals, but it is also important to share information with the general public – through popular magazines, blogs, TV documentaries, webpages, public outreach events, and/or OER (online educational resources) like this textbook. This also helps to combat pseudoarchaeology, by educating the public and debunking ideas that discriminate against native populations. The chapter on Public Outreach and Archaeology, as well as the chapter titled Understanding Ancient Mysteries will talk more about the importance of communicating factual science-based information.
Finally, archaeologists’ obligation to educate also extends to training new archaeologists in the process of excavation. Since a site can never be excavated twice, good training in excavation is incredibly important. Students should have a safe place to learn without worrying that they might destroy irreplaceable cultural materials. Sometimes, simulated excavations take place in classroom lab or online environments. However, the experience of actually taking part in an archaeological excavation is invaluable, so if you are considering going on in anthropology or archaeology (or even if you just think it sounds like fun!) I would highly recommend attending an archaeological field school. ‘Field schools’ are generally taught over the summer, and provide an opportunity to learn archaeology through hands-on practice, while also earning college credit. There are also many opportunities to volunteer and learn about fieldwork as a citizen scientist.
Conclusion
I began this chapter with three warnings about excavation: there is much more to archaeology than digging; excavation is destruction; and it is essential to consider ethics. After reading this chapter, I hope you can see the importance of each of these caveats. Archaeology is not just about excavation – and in many contexts excavation may even be harmful. That said, when done carefully and ethically – in collaboration and consultation with descendant communities and while taking copious notes – it is an invaluable tool in archaeology’s efforts to learn about the past. And it can also be a lot of fun! I hope you enjoy your time in the field.
- Interactive Digs Exercise: Explore ONE site highlighted on the “Interactive Digs” webpage – interactivedigs.com. Choose whatever site is most interesting to you. Take your time to explore some of the notes, videos, field reports, etc. Be able to briefly summarize what you learned about the site, and compare and contras what you learned with students who explored different sites. You should consider:
- A short description of excavation techniques (e.g. What parts of the site were excavated? How were those decisions made? What tools were used for excavation?)
- A description of any steps being taken to preserve this site and its cultural heritage (e.g. storage/conservation of artifacts, recording/reconstruction of architecture, publication of discoveries/interpretations, etc.)
- A reflection on the role tourism may or may not play at this site (e.g. Is this already a tourist destination? Does it have the potential to draw tourists? What benefits may tourism have to the site? What dangers might tourism pose?)
- Digital Data Stories: Explore the Alexandria Archive Institute’s Digital Data Story “Gabbing about Gabii: Going from Notes to Data to Narrative.” This will give you the experience of working with notes from an excavation to see how archaeologists are able to collect data from excavation and use this data to tell stories about the past.
Note: Parts of this chapter were authored by Jennifer Zovar for a beta version of Traces.
Jennifer Zovar is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Whatcom Community College in Bellingham, WA. Her academic research has focused in the Bolivian Andes, where she investigated an archaeological site that was occupied just before the Inca came into the region (and after the collapse of the earlier Tiwanaku polity.) Despite regularly telling her students that the ceramic analysis chapter of her dissertation was the most boring thing she’s ever written, she is continually inspired by the way that archaeological analysis of the smallest details can lead us to a more complete understanding of the lives of human beings in the past. In addition to her experience in Bolivia, she has also worked on archaeological projects in Guatemala and across the United States. When she is not researching or teaching anthropology, she loves camping and exploring with her kids and a loyal dog named Hank.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Parts of this chapter are shared under a CC BY-NC license and were originally authored, remixed, and/or curated by Amanda Wolcott Paskey and AnnMarie Beasley Cisneros (ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)). With additional contributions by Cerisa Reynolds
Further Exploration
The ArchaeOlympic Games – https://archaeology.co.uk/articles/news/the-archaeolympic-games.htm
Ethics in Professional Archaeology, Society for American Archaeology – https://www.saa.org/career-practice/ethics-in-professional-archaeology
The Excavation Process: The Tools, a video from Oregon State University’s excavation of the Cooper’s Ferry Site – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x9pGbpIPU-Y
Interactive Digs, Archaeological Institute of America – https://www.interactivedigs.com/
Why the Whiteness of Archaeology is a Problem, by William White and Catherine Draycott – https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/archaeology-diversity/
References
Clancy, K., Nelson, R., Rutherford, J., and Hinde, K. (2014). Survey of Academic Field Experiences (SAFE): Trainees Report Harassment and Assault. PLoS ONE 9(7): e102172. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0102172
Dunnell, R. C. (1992). The Notion Site. In Space, Time, and Archaeological Landscapes, edited by J. Rossignol & L. Wandsnider, pp. 21-31. Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology, Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2450-6_2
Flannery, K. (1982). The Golden Marshalltown: A Parable for Archaeology of the 1980’s. American Anthropologist 84(2): 265-278.
Meyers, M. S., Horton, E. T., Boudreaux, E. A., Carmody, S. B., Wright, A. P. & Dekle, V. J. (2018). The context and consequences of sexual harassment in Southeastern archaeology. Advances in Archaeological Practice 6(4):275-287.
Poirier, D. A. & Feder, K. L., eds. (2001). Dangerous Places: Health, Safety, and Archaeology. Bergin & Garvey.
Zovar, J. M. (2012). Post-Collapse Constructions of Community, Memory, and Identity: An Archaeological Analysis of Late Intermediate Period Community Formation in Bolivia’s Desaguadero Valley. [Doctoral dissertation, Vanderbilt University]. Vanderbilt University Institutional Repository. https://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/etd-08012012-131813
Learning Objectives
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Describe the importance of public outreach in archaeology
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Identify methods of public outreach and suggest situations where specific methods may be better suited to a certain archaeological project
Introduction
Every time I tell someone new that I’m an archaeologist, I’m generally met with four different responses:
- “What’s your favorite dinosaur?”
- “A real-life Indiana Jones!”
- “Oh wow, you must find all sorts of cool treasures!”
- “I always wanted to be an archaeologist, but it just wasn’t feasible. I’d love to start the hobby when I retire though!”
These four responses tell me firstly that many people conflate archaeologists and paleontologists—leading to awkward laughing and my admitting that the only dinosaur I know of is the T-Rex. They also tell me that most of what people know about archaeology comes from popular media, namely the Indiana Jones franchise, which harps on this idea of “treasure” rather than cultural significance. This search for treasure then becomes more of a hobby rather than an actual profession, with people assuming archaeologists just dig around in remote areas of the world to find pretty items to line the shelves of museums and private collections with, or to sell. Indeed, shows like American Digger and Indiana Jones do much to emphasize the monetary benefits of artifacts (Pagán 2015), which can lead to the destruction and unlawful looting of archaeological sites. To summarize, it is rare that anyone knows what it is we as archaeologists actually do and how we impact their day-to-day lives with the important research we conduct.
The thing about archaeology is that, even if people don’t totally know what it is, they still tend to associate it as a “cool” profession—so cool, in fact, that it could be a hobby! That said, even if someone were interested enough to try to do their own research on archaeological discoveries, they would not be likely to understand what’s going on. Research papers use so much jargon that sometimes archaeologists with different specialties can’t understand a research article outside of their area of interest (Fagan 2010) so how could a lay person understand what’s going on? Public outreach in this regard becomes a means of translation; we need to communicate with the public in terms they understand because they want to learn, and if we don’t help them, then they either become discouraged and their interest wanes, or they misunderstand the research, which could lead to negative consequences (discussed in detail below).
Furthermore, people are interested in understanding their place in the world, and archaeology can provide them with some of that context. Evolution in particular gains much attraction from the public because people are in search of the healthiest ways to live their lives or are looking for excuses for poor behavior (i.e. violence, sexual aggression and promiscuity; see McCaughey 2008 or Zuk 2013). However, once they grab hold of something—like the Paleo-diet—they tend to run with it, ignoring the fact that science is fluid and discoveries are made every day. For example, although the Paleo-diet considers the ingestion of grain products blasphemous, there’s actually been recent evidence saying that hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic had been making bread-like products around 14,000 years ago (Zeldovich 2018). Unfortunately for me, the discovery came after I received my Paleo-cookbook for Christmas.
Even more unfortunate is the fact that most evolutionary scientists have done nothing to correct the misconceptions that are so vehemently being passed along; instead, they respond with disgust and condemnation, despite the fact that some practitioners actively reach out to scientists in an attempt to better understand their food practices and make sure they’re being scientifically up-to-date (Chang and Nowell: 2016). Robb Wolf, a prominent member of the Paleo-diet community, has lamented on this very response from anthropologists: “What I have sensed from the anthropology community is an almost… annoyance that upstarts from outside that Guild have the temerity to talk about this stuff and try to apply it in an actionable way… If I could wave a magic wand I’d hope for a bit less prickliness on the part of the medical anthropology community on this topic… If we could get them to understand just how important their understanding of the past is, we might have a much better future’” (Chang and Nowell: 2016: 230).
The thing is, anthropologists know their understanding of the past is important—so why aren’t we leaning into that, especially when others see our studies’ worth? People are interested in what we as archaeologists do and study and it is our obligation to engage them in our work, especially when they reach out to us.
While misconceptions about the field of archaeology and archaeological discoveries themselves are primarily fueled by the media, archaeologists aren’t helping matters. How is anyone outside of the field supposed to know what we do if we do not tell them, much less in language they can understand? It’s necessary that archaeologists begin rigorous public outreach to correct these misinterpretations of our field. In this chapter, I will define public outreach, provide examples of how archaeologists practice public outreach, and explain why it’s important and needs to be done.
Some Considerations
There are many ethical considerations to keep in mind when creating outreach materials—you want to make sure you’re doing things in a “good way.” That being said, I’m going to tell you about what I consider to be two of the most important considerations:
- Keep sensitive cultural material hidden
- You may receive personal anecdotes from community members that you work with, and while they do add a human touch to the “story” you’re trying to tell, they may be too personally or culturally sensitive to share with a wider audience. To accurately deduce what is or is not appropriate to share, collaborate closely with the local community to get their feedback.
- Focusing too heavily on material culture rather than the people who created/used it.
- By focusing solely on the material culture of a site to explain the past, one disconnects the artifacts and the community’s “relationship to their broader environment” (Budwha and Mccreary 2013: 196).
- You risk creating a “spectacle” (Simpson 2011). Reducing people to their material culture relegates the ancestors to the past rather than acknowledging their active participation in the world today. These material objects then act as the face of those who settled there and risk being sensationalized to the extent that they become “native-art-as-usual” (Townsend Gault 2011). Sensationalized objects become static symbols of the past.
Bottom line: Be respectful in what you say, how you say/portray it and collaborate when possible!
The Society for American Archaeology does not have any one definition for public outreach, but rather recognizes it as a collection of methods archaeologists use to engage the public in archaeological research as well as general public awareness ("What Is Public Archaeology?"). Public archaeology can be used synonymously with public outreach.
Public archaeology is often viewed as a subfield of archaeology. However, public outreach in some form or another informs and underlies all archaeology, whether it be in terms of where one’s funding resources come from, where and how one is expected to conduct their fieldwork, how to manage the cultural site, how to treat the archaeological finds, or what kinds of impacts the archaeological research generates (Matsuda 2016:41). All of these instances require communication with some sort of outside source. This means that public outreach can take place before, during, and after the archaeological research is done. Community members can help inform the objectives of an archaeological research project, assist in the actual excavation process beginning as soon as the survey and as late as cleaning and labeling the artifacts, or can be a part of a post-research activity or lecture presented by the researchers. Public outreach can also take place outside of the confines of a particular research project and instead focus on the general understanding of archaeology through hands-on activities in schools or community events. In essence, archaeological public outreach can occur anytime and anywhere in any number of formats.
Public archaeology was once understood to be a means of applying archaeology to the real world via cultural resource management (CRM), contract archaeology, public education, historic preservation, and museology (White et al. 2004). Now there are four different approaches to public archaeology that have been identified:
The educational and public relations approaches are more practice-based, whereas the pluralist and critical approaches are more theoretical.

In particular, the educational approach aims to facilitate people’s learning of the past via archaeological thinking and methods. Archaeological education can occur both on and off-site. Some organizations, like the City of Alexandria’s Archaeology Museum, offer public dig days, in which members of the community can come and participate in an ongoing excavation (White 2019: 37), thus getting hands-on experience in archaeological thinking and methods. For years, the State University of New York at Binghamton’s Undergraduate Anthropology Organization would visit a local elementary school with boxes full of “treasure” strewn in stratified soil, sand, and pebbles, and teach them how to excavate and interpret their findings. These physical experiences not only create strong memories, but also “improves concentration, increases student engagement, and makes learning (and teaching) fun” (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019: 50).
The public relations approach works “to increase the recognition, popularity, and support of archaeology in contemporary society” by forming connections between archaeology and individuals and/or social groups (Matsuda 2016: 41-42). This approach parallels the push for archaeological stewardship where the wider community participates in the knowledge production, protection, and reverence of a site, not just archaeologists. Public relations foster stronger connections and responsibility towards sites and knowledge of the past. True knowledge production requires one to ask questions and interpret the evidence beyond uncovering artifacts at a public dig. For example, Science and Social Studies Adventures (SASSA), an organization that “bring[s] archaeology to the classrooms… in order to enhance science and social studies lessons…” took both physics and social studies students to a field that was planned to become a park. The students were taught how to use ground-penetrating radar (GPR) technology to map out the underground features of the property to determine whether or not an excavation would be necessary (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019). In this instance, they not only got the hands-on experience of mapping an area with GPR, but also participated in the knowledge production by interpreting that map and determining the future of the site; they now have a sense of responsibility over something tangible and relevant to their community. Similarly, though off-site, Nina Simon of the OF/BY/FOR ALL project encourages participating museums to actively engage their communities in project and exhibit designs to better cater and connect to the wider community (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021), while at the same time fostering a sense of responsibility and pride of the past.
The educational and public relations approaches have long been established in archaeology; however, the focus on the pluralist and critical approaches only began to gain traction after the 1990s (Matsuda 2016:42).
The pluralist approach attempts to understand different types of relationships between material culture and different members of the public, which essentially means understanding who your public is and where they’re ideologically coming from (Matsuda 2016:42). Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer (2021) have taken a pluralist approach to museum visitors. One German study revealed that museum-goers tend to be highly educated, possess high cultural capital, are satisfied with life, and are open to new experiences (Kluge and Pinsker 2021). Closer to home, the American Alliance of Museums (AAM) found that only 9% of museum visitors are from minority populations (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). Furthermore, the AAM’s 2010 demographic study revealed a number of barriers for African American and Latino visitors: historically, museums feel intimidating and exclusionary; the feeling that museums require specialized knowledge and cultivated esthetic taste; a lack of museum-going in one’s childhood; and social networks influence whether or not one chooses museums as a leisure activity (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). With this understanding of how people relate to the past in this particular setting (i.e., museums), cultural institutions can better cater to a wider audience. Specifically, they can choose communication methods more often used by their target audience, offer content that the wider community (especially minority populations) can connect with, provide a welcoming atmosphere, and ensure visually and physically comfortable and pleasing spaces (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021).
Finally, the critical approach works to unsettle the interpretation of the past as told by socially dominant groups, who typically have ulterior motives that socially subjugate another group by distorting the telling of the past (Matsuda 2016:42). Evolutionary anthropology has largely taken a critical approach since the end of World War II, when it finally became clear that the scientific support of the social construction of race was detrimental to millions of lives. Until then, it was posited by scientists and laypeople alike that race was a biological fact, and one’s intelligence, capabilities, and worth were determined by their race. Now we know that the variation in human skin color is nothing more than a reflection of millions of years adaptation to changing environments (Echo-Hawk and Zimmerman 2006:471). To totally unsettle the interpretation of an evolutionary past in which it was white people who first settled Europe, a study published in 2007 found that the gene associated with light skin didn’t evolve until 12,000-6,000 years ago (Gibbons 2007: 364; see also Brace et al. 2018 for information on what the first Britons looked like according to “white-hating lefties” [Admin 2018] and Hendrick 2021 for more information on unsettling people’s evolutionary assumptions on race).Both the pluralist and critical approaches view “the public as a subject, which has its own agency and interacts with the past according to its beliefs, interests, and agendas” (Matsuda 2016: 43). These changes are still new for a field rooted in colonialism, so we’re still learning how to effectively conduct public archaeology and outreach.
Community Archaeology
In a general sense, “community archaeology” is the term we use to describe the active participation of non-archaeologists in the archaeological research process, as described above. Ideally, community archaeology includes seven components with which the community is involved in: devising research questions or areas of interest, “setting up a project, field practices, data collection, analysis, storage and dissemination, and public presentation” (Marshall 2002: 211). This means that the community has some level of control of the project at each step (Marshall 2002:212). Arguably one of the most important aspects of community archaeology is that the management of the cultural heritage remains with the community and that research findings are publicly presented (i.e., public outreach is a necessity!) (Marshall 2002:215). Allowing communities to make critical decisions about the direction and implementation of research may seem like a terrifying loss to archaeologists, but it really provides a depth to the research that would’ve otherwise been impossible to achieve (Marshall 2002: 218).
By this point you’re probably wondering who this elusive “community” is. Two types of community tend to show up for these kinds of projects, and often at the same time: people who live locally, either close to or directly at the site, as well as descendants (people who trace their descent from the people who once lived at or near the site in question).
To see community archaeology in action, let’s take a look at Ozette, a late prehistoric/early whaling village at Neah Bay in Washington State (Marshall 2002: 212-213). A mudslide in 1970 exposed substantial house timbers among other organic artifacts (which you may or may not know is absolutely incredible considering organic artifacts typically decompose). This prompted the Makah Tribal Council to contact an archaeologist, and together they set in motion a huge excavation program from 1970 through 1981. The Makah community provided direction throughout the whole project and opened the site to visitors; up to 60,000 people visited each year. Excavated materials were stored and displayed by the Makah community at the newly created Makah Cultural Research Center and a host of publications concerning the site were published. The close collaboration between the archaeologists and Makah residents, the control maintained by Makah people over the project, the retention of the excavated materials by the Makah community for the purposes of preservation, storage, and display, as well as the extensive publications about the site “are very much the goals of community archaeology” (Marshall 2002: 213).
Why Is Public Outreach Important?
The fact is, archaeological sites around the world are in danger. This is important because cultural patrimony (the ongoing cultural importance of an artifact) and heritage tell us who we are and where we come from, which consequently affects our world views and how we act, thus impacting both our present and future. Read the previous chapter on the “Social Impact of Archaeology” for more detail on this particular topic. With a decrease in natural resources, scientists are increasingly looking towards the ocean for the mining of precious and non-precious metals, aggregates extraction, marine engineering, and the production of marine-zone nonrenewable energy, all putting underwater archaeological sites at risk of destruction (Flatman 2009). On the coasts, archaeological sites are threatened by rising sea levels and increasingly powerful storms caused by global warming, among other anthropogenic transformations such as development, mining, and dredging (Fitzpatrick and Braje 2019). War zones see particularly copious amounts of destruction to cultural heritage, either through the creation of defense mechanisms such as trenches, through bombing, or through the intentional destruction of cultural items in an attempt to wipe away one’s nascent culture. Two of the most prominent examples are the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Approximately 2500 objects and sculptures were destroyed, defaced, or stolen from the National Museum of Afghanistan between the years of 1996 and 2001. In Iraq, military bases were established at Babylon and near Ur of the Chaldees, leading to the damage of the archaeological record by way of trench digging, imported gravel, and fuel spills. There was also rampant looting in Iraq (Cunliffe and Curtis 2011).
While it doesn’t get much popular press, national and international cultural sites also face threats due to political decisions. President Trump, recognizing the importance of cultural sites, threatened to bomb 52 Iranian cultural sites “VERY FAST AND VERY HARD” as retribution for 52 American hostages that were taken years prior (Jacobson 2020). In 2017, Trump repealed massive amounts of land in Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears National Monuments that had previously been protected by the Antiquities Act (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This action puts at risk 100,000 archaeological and cultural sites in Bears Ears National Monument alone, including Cedar Mesa which has one of the highest densities of cultural sites in America at several hundred sites per square mile, all to make way for coal mining, irresponsible and damaging motorized recreation, uranium mining, and oil and gas leasing (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This is devastating for the local Native American tribes—including the Hopi tribe, Navajo Nation, Pueblo of Zuni, Ute Indian Tribe, and Ute Mountain Ute tribe—whose ancestral material culture, that provides grounding and pride in their ancestors, is deemed “not unique” or “not of significant scientific or historic interest” and thus disposable by the president (Biber et al 2017). Unfortunately, there are many more threats and sites at risk than here mentioned.
The loss of archaeological sites can cause irreparable damage to communities around the world and thus needs to be stopped. Without archaeological sites, oppressed peoples can be disenfranchised of their history and culture; history can be rewritten by the victor with no one the wiser; and we may never know the truth of where we come from, which could negatively impact the way we think about ourselves (i.e., we may feel we were predestined to live this way, when what evolutionary archaeology shows us so far is that there is no one way to be human). There are many other reasons why archaeology—or the loss thereof—can damage communities, and you should refer to the previous chapter on the “Social Impact of Archaeology” for a better understanding. To exemplify the importance of archaeology generally and thus the need for public outreach, I will provide some instances in which (the public communication of) archaeology can widely impact different communities. I discuss how learning from our past, telling stories, and correcting harmful narratives all contribute to the communities where archaeologists conduct their work.
Learn from Our Past
We can learn a surprising amount of things about humans’ past actions that can help inform how we behave today. In particular, we can look to the past to determine how to create a sustainable future. Between 1987 and 1995 archaeologists of the Garbage Project at the University of Arizona systematically excavated fifteen landfills across North America, in which they found that dating as far back as the 1950s, paper occupied the most landfill space because it was biodegrading very slowly, contrary to what people had once believed (Rathje 2008: 37). Shortly after the excavation reports came out, governments and individual communities began pushing for the curbside recycling that we have come to know and love (Rathje 2008: 37), and now we have any number of recycled paper products at our disposal.
In August 2020, NPR posted an article entitled, “To Manage Wildfire, California Looks to What Tribes Have Known All Along” (Sommer 2020). This article explains how the banning of local Native Americans’ controlled burning practices has led to increased vegetation, which dries out every summer and acts as the kindling for the state’s notorious fires. The state government has recently come to trust in the oral histories of the local tribes and the archaeological record, which argue that the controlled burning of the past had actually been a successful mode of wildfire risk management. According to archaeological finds, controlled burning has been occurring over a vast amount of time and space (Bowman 1998; Heckenberger et al. 2007; Mason 2000). The extent of this evidence provides us with a feasible path forward as we try to reconcile the damage we have since caused through global warming.
Share Untold Stories
Archaeology has a long history of focusing on the stories of rich, able-bodied white men in their prime. This means that the long and equally important histories of ethnic, gendered, and aged minorities are being left out of the stories we tell about the past. This is problematic, because the exclusion of one’s past can lead to subjugation by a dominant group, who often touts their successful past. However, archaeology can also be useful at challenging these problematic assumptions.
Let’s think about the Man the Hunter model of human evolution—you probably envision men running toward a mammoth with their spears held high, ready for another successful kill, but what do you know about women in the Paleolithic? Probably not much. You probably imagine that women just stayed home with their babies and hoped a cave lion wouldn’t come kill them while their big and strong husbands were off catching dinner. Note that I say imagine, because women’s roles are often entirely left out of the story. Instead, the first anatomically modern humans are often spoken about in the context of their subsistence activities, which are all attributed to men’s behaviors; thus men are the only actors we really hear about in the Palelithic. Do you know how we can tell it was men who did all of those activities? Well, we actually can’t tell that at all. In the advent of Paleolithic research, archaeologists of the time were just copy-and-pasting our modern-day gender roles to the past. As of yet there is little theory to actually determine the extent of the gender roles in the deep past (Conkey and Spector 1984). However, recent research suggests that women were actively hunting, at least in Peru 9,000 years ago (Wei-Haas 2020). Archaeologists came across a burial in the Andes mountains in which the skeletal remains were accompanied by an extensive kit of 24 tools for big game hunting. The archaeologists at the time assumed that the remains were those of an important male hunter. However, upon further analysis, the remains were shown to be biologically female. This spurred the reevaluation of a number of similar burials throughout the Americas and it turns out that between 30% and 50% of the big game hunters—as interpreted by grave goods—were biologically female. By ignoring women’s roles in the past, we risk perpetuating an imagining of men as the drivers of human evolution and success and women as only good for their birthing capabilities. Sharing the stories of this oft-forgotten sect of society could do much to waylay some of the poor excuses people make today in regards to sexism and gender roles.
Dr. Diane Wallman of the University of South Florida has worked on a public archaeology project at the Gamble Plantation Historic Site. Originally established as a sugar plantation by Robert H. Gamble in the mid-19th century, the property was later inhabited by the Confederate Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, and later an attorney. Although there is clear reverence for the confederate officer, as shown by the large memorial erected in his name, Dr. Wallman is actually interested in exploring the lives of the enslaved laborers who lived and worked on this plantation, and whose stories have not been given the recognition or reverence they deserve. To share these stories, Dr. Wallman has given public lectures (e.g., AIA Event Listings 2019) and provided her expertise as a guest on podcasts (e.g., Anthro Alert 2017). Additionally, the excavations are exclusively during archaeological field schools, and the site is open to the public to participate in the dig. One of Dr. Wallman’s Master's students in 2019 collected information from archives, remote sensing, and archaeological investigation to understand the lives of enslaved peoples on this plantation with the goal of engaging descendant communities in particular in future archaeological research on the site (Litteral 2019).
In this sense, the portrayal of stories often left untold can help generate pride in one’s people. If your peoples’ life stories are continually being ignored and at times discredited, then archaeology that gives those underrepresented groups a tangible connection with their ancestors can go a long way toward building pride in one’s community. Getting that message outside of the descendant community can go even further in making others recognize and value the importance of the minority heritage as well.
Correct Harmful Narratives
Archaeology has unfortunately perpetuated many negative narratives on its own. However, the public also communicates harmful narratives of our pasts. Harmful narratives refer to stories that are told and are argued to be based on science, typically about a minority and how/why they are subjugated or why people act a certain way. Luckily, new archaeological research or the reevaluation of current archaeological research, can work to correct these harmful narratives. Getting these corrected stories out to the public can then begin to make real change in the way people conceptualize themselves and their place in the world.
Based on my MA research, people have gathered from popular media and their own life experiences that violence is an inherent human trait. Furthermore, violence is seen as the driving factor of our species’ evolution: if it hadn’t been for our penchant for violence we would not have been able to compete with other groups or animals, nor would we have been able to outlive the Neanderthals. Despite the fact that most people now have 1% to 4% Neanderthal DNA (Green et al. 2010), which means there had to be a relatively high amount of Neanderthal/Anatomically Modern Human sexual relations that far back, all of my interview participants were extremely confident in stating that we humans would have met Neanderthals with nothing but violence. The inherent and long-lasting evolutionary trait of violence provides justification for wars and senseless acts. However, there is very little evidence of violence in the deep past, which means people are making assumptions about the deep past based on their lived experience and the research on the topic is not being adequately shared with the public.
Another example includes the multitude of pseudeoarchaeological claims that now exist, namely shows such as Ancient Aliens and In Search of Aliens (read the Psuedoarchaeology chapter for more details!). These shows primarily explain why it was in no way possible for Indigenous communities to have built such incredible structures so far back in time, and conclude that these structures and the cultures surrounding them must have been created by aliens. Whether or not it is the hosts’ intent, these messages work to portray indigenous communities as technologically and socially inferior. Public outreach on how incredible these Indigenous communities really are by means of the archaeological evidence we have for their agency—as opposed to alien interference—could go a long way to prove that not only aliens and white Europeans have intelligence and civilization.
Improve Quality of Archaeological Research
In order to even begin conducting research, archaeologists need to get funding. In my experience, archaeology departments are often bereft of their own internal funding, meaning individual researchers need to look elsewhere. If the funding sources and the public are unfamiliar with your field or your work, they are unlikely to deem it important enough to give funds to when there are more pressing projects with more evident real-world impacts. It is necessary to write funding requests in such a way that the reader can understand your project, because they won’t necessarily have an archaeological background. That being said, it’s all about knowing how to write for a particular audience. In addition to grants, funding or volunteer labor may come from community organizations, so it is important to reach out to local communities and get them excited about your project as well. In addition to funding, strong community relations can provide one’s project with input on how the project should be carried out or what research questions may be important to explore. Community relations are especially important for projects occurring on the land of the descendant community for this reason.
Archaeologists are by nature specialized—you have lithics specialists, pottery specialists, biological archaeologists, zooarchaeologists, etc. We are a field that inherently has to draw on numerous other specialists and fields to get a full picture of what a site is telling us. For example, we draw on the expertise of chemists, geologists, geneticists, geographers, and botanists, among many others (Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019). By communicating with an audience wider than those who read archaeological journals or attend archaeological conferences, we begin to build teams of varied researchers who can all learn and benefit from each other.
I have showed how public outreach isn’t only important for educating the public, but also for how it improves the quality of the archaeological research itself, by making it easier to get funding and collaborate with people from other disciplines. The following sections describe the methods used by archaeologists to reach the public.
Methods of Public Outreach
In today’s world, there are an infinite number of ways archaeologists can engage with the public. These methods can be divided into three different categories: traditional media (print, audio, and visual forms), online digital content, and interpersonal or interactive learning experiences (Erdman 2019). While the options for communication may be endless, it’s important to keep in mind what kind of demographic you’re attempting to reach when you’re choosing which method of communication is best suited to your project. Furthermore, each of these broad categories of communication have different levels of accuracy, access, and effectiveness that need to be taken into account when planning your public outreach. In this section, I will explain some of the particular communicative avenues one could take within each broad communication method, as well as provide some considerations, limitations, and benefits.
Traditional Media
Print media, including books, newspapers, and magazines, have historically been the primary means of scientific communication (Harding 2007: 120) and are often viewed as the most credible forms of scientific communication because of the rigorous editing and peer-review process that they often go through (Erdman 2019: 5). Indeed, my own ethnographic research on this topic has shown that my survey participants considered books to be their most valued source of scientific information (Hendrick 2021). However, our understanding of the past is continually changing, thus outdating these supposedly accurate sources (Erdman 2019: 5). More and more researchers’ work is being digitized or published in online journals. At this time, many of the journals are kept behind steep paywalls, making the likelihood of a merely curious lay-person reading it less realistic—who wants to pay to wade through jargon that they might not even understand? There seems to be an uptick in researchers who are interested in widely disseminating their research and there are now websites such as Academia.edu and ResearchGate that make journal articles much more accessible (Erdman 2019); however, there is still the issue of archaeological jargon.
Each form of print publication serves a different level of insight. For example, “A short newspaper article offers highlights; a magazine…offers a more contextualized account of a site, artifact, or culture; and a book or professional journal may address a specific topic more in-depth” (Erdman 2019: 6). The benefit of this is that there is a means of print communication that will fit everyone’s pace and depth of interest and they will likely provide additional resources for the especially curious reader to pursue if they so desire.
Examples of archaeology in print media
- Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Psuedoscience in Archaeology by Kenneth Feder
- Sapiens by Noah Yuval Harari (This is a good example of how popular books with archaeology can be, but it is poor science)
- Paleofantasy: What Evolution Really Tells Us About Sex, Diet, and How We Live by Marlene Zuk
Television has been argued to represent a depiction of “the truth” and thus works to mold people’s perceptions of the world (Pagán 2015: 16), making it an effective format for educational purposes. Part of the audio/visual success in regards to perception molding is because seeing is believing: visual representations offer a physical point of reference for the audience, which makes it easier to understand and connect with the material rather than having to parse through abstract written word (Erdman 2019: 7). Indeed, it’s been shown that audio-visual materials (such as film/television clips and song or speech clips) are effective learning devices and that students are increasingly becoming visual learners (Hoover 2006).
Television shows get much higher viewership than do print materials, so educational television shows would reach a far larger audience than any one book may (Pagán 2015). With an abundance of streaming services online—such as Hulu, Netflix, and Amazon Prime—television is more widely accessible than ever before (so long as you have Internet access and another $10 or so to spend each month). The downside to this is that there are many other shows available as well, which means someone would likely have to be actively seeking out educational television to happen upon an archaeology program.
Audio and visual media—such as radio, podcasts, film, and television—have a varying level of accuracy, and one is equally likely to encounter an educational show as they are a fantastical, sensationalized account that only uses archeology as a starting point for their fantasy (Erdman 2019:6). Although television used to be a popular location for widespread science communication, television producers today consider lecture series and more educational television to be too dry for their audiences (Harding 2007: 120). Among archaeologists, the typical treatments of archaeological finds and sites are arguably dry and unexciting, which leads news editors and television producers to insist on packaging the hard archaeological facts in sensationalism, catchy headlines, and “halo[s] of soft focus images [and] music” (Harding 2007: 124). However, this type of sensationalization can result in misunderstandings, misrepresentations of the data, or contribute to common tropes, as the stories that get picked up by these mediums tend to revolve around “sexy” topics like sex and drugs. This is not to say that good educational television does not exist; indeed, shows like PBS’ NOVA typically feature engaging stories on recent archaeological discoveries, yet people tend to be more familiar with Ancient Aliens than NOVA. This makes the explosion of archaeological podcasts by archaeologists that much more important; archaeologists are turning dry and unexciting information into funny and/or thought-provoking conversations that cater to both novices and professionals alike (check out the Archaeology Podcast Network for a wide variety of archaeological podcasts). Although these podcasts face the same caveat as television shows, in that one likely has to seek out this kind of educational topic, it is encouraging to see archaeologists in all stages of their careers utilizing this increasingly popular medium.
Examples of podcasts
- The Dirt (method, theory, and thematic episodes with humor; appropriate for non-archaeologists and archaeologists alike)
- Ologies (this covers all sorts of science, but there are a number of archaeological/anthropological related episodes; the premise is “asking smart people stupid questions,” so no previous knowledge needed here)
- Dig This (how archaeologists can decolonize their work; more appropriate for professional archaeologists)
Hard Archaeological Fiction
The primary setbacks of traditional media revolve around the difficult language and dry presentation. For this reason, I (Hendrick 2016, 2021) and many other scholars (e.g., Terrell 1990; Spector 1991, 1993; Fagan 2010; Holtorf 2010; Mickel 2012; ) have argued for an increase in “hard” archaeological fiction (Messenger 2019), which is fiction based on archaeological data. With over 45 million copies sold worldwide by 2010 (Auel 2010), perhaps one of the most popular examples of hard archaeological fiction is Jean Auel’s account of human life in the Paleolithic: The Earth’s Children series, the first novel of which is Clan of the Cave Bear. Auel did an incredible amount of research on life in the Paleolithic and based two of her main characters, Iza and Creb, on Neanderthal remains found in the archaeological cave site known as Shanidar (Auel 2010). While Auel may have overstepped her creative boundaries in terms of gender relations, which have resulted in negative stereotypes (see Hendrick 2021), she imagined what no other scholar was willing to consider at the time: that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans procreated. Eventually it came to light that yes, the two groups of Homo sapiens had indeed mated. Auel’s creative imagination was able to conjure up images of the past which we had not yet begun to think of, a skill that is especially important for archaeologists to hone if they are to accurately portray the past. By that I mean, we actually have very little idea about what exactly the past—especially that long ago—looked like in terms of social organization, but we can be sure that it wasn’t necessarily a mirror image of our own society. Thus, we must use our imaginations to envision worlds that are vastly different from our own.
In essence, fiction is a method of escaping our biases. According to Wiley (1981) as cited by Conkey and Spector (1984:21), it is not the fragmentary and often “invisible” nature of archaeological data that hinders our knowledge of the past, but rather our epistemologies. Therefore, the use of imagination or fiction is not only a valuable methodological skill for archaeologists to practice, but it is a much more interesting and accessible format of archaeological data dissemination than traditional archaeological writing. Additionally, fiction communicates to the reader that archaeological interpretations are fluid, by which I mean they change based on emerging discoveries, theories, and interpretations, which subsequently changes the story. One of the main difficulties in disseminating scientific knowledge is that public broadcasts typically ignore the fact that science is wrapped up in “ifs” and “buts,” either imparting a misrepresentation of the research by making the data sound definitive and/or leaving the public to mistrust scientists when their findings end up changing down the road (Harding 2007). The presence of diverse hard archaeological fiction will emulate the varying archaeological interpretations and “ifs” and “buts” that permeate archaeological literature. Hard archaeological fiction also works to promote cross-cultural empathy and an appreciation for the work archaeologists do (Messenger 2019).
Examples of hard evolutionary fiction (different stories = different archaeological interpretations)
- Clan of the Cave Bear by Jean Auel
- Reindeer Moon by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas
- The Inheritors by William Golding
- Dance of the Tiger by Björn Kurtén
Online Digital Content
Digital content refers to content designed specifically for the Internet. However, it uses elements of traditional media, and thus has the same benefits/drawbacks. One of the biggest benefits of online digital content in particular is that it “bring[s] the world of higher education to people who could not otherwise access it” (Harding 2007: 121). This does not only include the level of information one can find on the Internet, but also the fact that you can learn about people and places all over the world as opposed to the local contexts that one is often taught in school and in museums. Even better, it’s up-to-date research and ideas, because the information in the digital content can easily be fixed or asked and answered immediately in online forums and webinars (Erdman 2019). This opens up a lot more opportunity for direct engagement with a larger audience.
Social media is an excellent tool to educate people by sharing the process of a research project in real time as well as to spread the word about upcoming in-person outreach events or exciting sites to visit. Twitter provides much public engagement with the topic of archaeology because hashtags make it easy to follow a general topic and it’s widely used to get up-to-date news by following a variety of users (Huvila 2013). Facebook is more oriented towards a social group, so you have to be friends with someone to get updates on what they post, and archaeological-related posts are only featured on someone’s newsfeed if they’re a part of one of those groups or pages or are friends with someone who is (Huvila 2013). This means engagement with archaeology on Facebook is relatively limited.
Two major problems of digital content are the unlimited resources and access to the Internet. With so many different blogs, websites, articles, and social media platforms, you have to actively search for information on a particular subject and then put the effort into doing a credibility check. Additionally, there are still many who cannot access digital content due to the lack of a computer or reliable Internet, a problem that many schools and families have had to cope with in the age of required distance-learning brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Examples of online digital content
- Sapiens- online anthropology magazine
- Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian National Museum of History- everything from human evolution basics to lesson plans
- Bones, Stones, and Books – blog by Stefanie Halmhofer on the reality of practicing archaeology, advice for students, and pseudoarchaeology
Interpersonal/Interactive Learning
One of the best ways to engage the public in archaeological discourse is via community involvement, because it provides a tangible link to the past (Erdman 2019) and a place in the knowledge production process; the subsequent claim of ownership over that knowledge can arouse further interest in the topic as well as foster a reverence for historical preservation (Harding 2007). It also makes the field more “real;” most people don’t know what archaeology is, much less know an archaeologist. By getting to physically engage with an archaeologist, the field becomes legitimized because it can coincide with personal experience. In essence, community involvement is any kind of direct interaction with non-specialists, such as through community archaeology projects, museum and outreach programs, public lectures, and getting involved with a school (Erdman 2019). An example of interactive learning is the Passport in Time program, in which the US Forest Service enlists the help of non-specialist volunteers to do a number of cultural heritage management activities at sites on public land across the country, including survey and excavation, restoration, archival research, oral history gathering, and more (Clearinghouse). Professional archaeologists, historians, and preservationists act as the volunteers’ hosts, guides, and coworkers during the experience. This form of active learning ensures that accurate and contemporary information is being shared.
Unfortunately, interpersonal/interactive learning involves being somewhere in-person, which means they’re primarily in local contexts. That is to say, not everywhere has an archaeologist, museum, or university to conduct these programs, and traveling to attend them in other towns or cities isn’t accessible to everyone (Erdman 2019). So while these programs have an amazing impact on those lucky enough to participate, your information reaches a limited number of people.
The Bottom Line
No matter the format, you need to create a story. People are more engaged in archaeological information if it is easy to follow and is relatable. Making the information relatable is by far the biggest tip I can give you. People do better when human case studies are used (Pobiner 2021), which means you need to bring the human into any discussion of material culture. This can be accomplished in a hard-archaeological vignette (Spector 1991) or by bringing the human of archaeology to the forefront of the science by making the archaeologist the main character—take non-specialists on the discovery and interpretation process with you. Each method—traditional media, online digital content, and interpersonal/interactive learning—has its pros and cons and each needs to be tailored to a particular audience, however the benefits of using a story format to engage nonspecialists is a skill that benefits each of these approaches.
How Do I Know Which Method to Use?
Ask yourself the following questions to figure out where you should even begin with an outreach project. Once you decide whether you want to write a book, star in a television show, start a Twitter account, or invite the local third graders to come dig at your archaeological site, take the creative reins and figure out what exactly that book will say, show will look like, or lessons will be taught.
What's My Goal?
Refer back to the reasons why we do (public) archaeology in the first place and find the one that identifies best with your site. Your site includes not only the physical place, but what the data tells you (does it contradict a long-held belief? Does it tell us something about sustainability?) and what the descendant community wants (do they want this knowledge shared widely or do they want it within the community?). You also need to consider how many people you want to reach with your project.
What Are My Strengths?
Are you a computer geek? Start a website or build a videogame! Are you good at creative writing? Write hard archaeological fiction! Are you good at public speaking? Do a lecture series! Whatever it is you’re good at, incorporate it into your project. That’s not to say that you can’t learn how to use a new technology or gain a new skill, it just depends on your willingness to learn those things and what your timeline looks like.
Who Do I Know?
For interpersonal/interactive learning, you’ll likely have to team up with another organization, however it’s much easier to get a project off the ground if you reach out to an individual rather than the organization as a whole (White 2019; Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019; Reetz, Haury-Artz, and Gorsch 2019). For example, ask a teacher if they want to participate in an archaeology-related activity rather than the principal because most teachers don’t have a background in archaeology and may feel too overwhelmed or have too little free time to learn enough to be confident in teaching it. It’s essential to find someone who’s as jazzed about this fun learning experience as you are.
Who Is Your Audience?
This first affects your language. Never involve jargon, unless explained properly and in an easy-to-understand manner. You also want to make sure to keep your language age-appropriate. Check out the Gunning Fog Index for more information on how to check the readability of your work (this means how many years of education someone would need to know what you’re saying). The size of your audience will also affect your outreach project, as explained above.
What if I Want to Learn, Not Create?
Maybe communicating archaeology isn’t your jam; maybe you’re interested in learning about it, but don’t like it enough to make it your job to teach others. That’s okay! Knowing about the various formats of public communication and their associated pros and cons will help you find what method is most engaging for you as well as what drawbacks to your understanding they may have. Before you explore some of the examples of successful archaeological public outreach listed above for a more engaging and creative means of learning about the past, I encourage you to think about where you have previously heard about archaeology: news articles, television, movies, podcasts? Did they use definitive language, sexy titles, or simply confirm your biases? How much evidence did they provide for each claim? In essence, I’m asking you to assess the validity of what you’ve experienced about archaeology in the public sphere. Whereas the bulk of this chapter is focused on how to get archaeological information out into the world, it’s equally important to know how to evaluate information that’s already out there.
In Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Psuedoscience in Archaeology, Feder (2011: xviii-xix) provides a “Quick Start Guide” to assessing the validity of a claim:
- Where is the claim presented? A peer-reviewed journal, a science-based magazine, an anonymous website or a chat group? The objectivity of a claim varies based on where it’s presented, so finding a proper source is important.
- Who is making the claim? A trained archaeologist, a trained scientist in a different field, a news broadcaster? Each of these people will have different levels of understanding of the material and may or may not relay the information properly.
- How does this person making the claim know and/or what evidence is presented? Most importantly, is the scientific method followed? The important takeaway here is that the claim must be based on observation and tested, not based on intuition or anything equally as intangible.
- Are other experts consulted and if so, how do they evaluate the claim? If most other scientists in the field are skeptical, or no other scientific support is given, it probably isn’t a strong claim.
- Is enough information given for you to make an informed decision on the claim’s legitimacy, or are you left with questions?
These questions will help you evaluate all sources and claims, not just archaeological ones. At the same time, they’re great guiding questions for how to craft your own valid arguments in whatever field you pursue.
Case Study
Up to this point, I’ve explained what public outreach and archaeology are, why they’re important, all the different ways you can go about it, and how to figure out which method is best. The following case study will show you how, in a real-life context, you might go about creating a public outreach project by breaking it down by these various elements. I’ll take you through the guiding questions to show how I arrived at my project idea, but you’ll notice that I had to ask myself a lot of additional questions as well. Each archaeological site is different, so outside of the four I’ve given you here you’ll have to listen to what the site and its participants are telling you they need.
Context/Goal
During a land development project in Duncan, BC, an archaeological site now known as Ye’yumnuts was discovered. Ye’yumnuts is a habitation site that was populated by the ancestors of the Cowichan tribe over three separate occupation periods. At the time of excavation, a multitude of amazing artifacts and features were found, including a jade adze sourced from hundreds of kilometers away in the Fraser Canyon, the imprint of a structure, and a pile of fire cracked rocks 10cm deep and 5m wide.
It took two decades of legal battles to protect this ancestral site, and now that it once again belongs to the Cowichan, they wanted to share the site as a source of inspiration for their youth and education for the broader community of Duncan. In particular, the Cowichan tribe wanted school curriculum developed about the site so that local schools could study local ancient history as opposed to that of far away, out of context places, like Egypt. A key element of this goal involved getting children excited in the archaeological findings, thus stimulating an appreciation for their peoples’ deep history. Whatever project that I created would be featured on the website Commemorating Ye’yumnuts.
At this point, I can answer a few guiding questions:
- What is my goal? Inspire Cowichan youth, educate the broader community of Duncan, BC, and get people excited about archaeology
- Whom do I know? Cowichan tribal members, administrators of a local school district, my professor who had been involved in the archaeology of the site
- Who is my audience? Settler and Cowichan community members of all ages, with special attention to students.
- What has already been done/what topics have already been covered? After taking a look at the site’s website, I saw that there were activities on artifacts, the history of the site since the beginning of time, legal battles, media analysis of news coverage, etc.

Because my passion in life is making archaeology fun, I decided to focus in on this particular goal to start my brainstorming. One of the gaps I found in the topics for which curricular material was already available was in the features; no one had talked about any of the features on the site yet, which was incredible because there were so many and they pose a lot of questions in terms of site functionality. The problem with this site and getting people excited about the archaeology of it, especially the features, is that you can no longer see the archaeology on the land. Once excavations were completed, the site was filled in. Now, it is a grassy area surrounded by a protective fence with interpretive signage looping around the site. So how do you get people excited about something abstract, something they can’t even see? The issue of invisibility told me I had to do something visual regarding the site’s features; I had to bring the site alive for my audience.
- What are my strengths? Unfortunately, nothing visual—my main strengths lie in my creative writing. However, I’m a quick learner and was determined to produce something unique and exciting for my student viewers. So, I decided to create a pre-fieldtrip tool to introduce students to the site and sat down at my laptop to start learning how to use Google Tour Creator.
It was time to make a virtual reality tour.
Knowledge Production
This outreach project was being done in collaboration with a local Indigenous group, so it was obvious I would be including their knowledge and interpretations of these archaeological features in my VR tour. There is much research circulating about the benefits of a landed methodology, which just means actually being in the land when you’re doing your work instead of being an armchair anthropologist because it provides you with a deeper, more embodied understanding. For example, at one of our visits to Ye’yumnuts our professor brought some of the artifacts back to the site and as I stood there holding the jade adze in my hand I was overwhelmed by how connected I felt to the site and to these past peoples to the extent that I began to tear up. Needless to say, this enhanced my drive to produce a quality outreach tool to get people as emotionally invested as I.
I decided to use Severin Fowles’ (2010) “comparative or cross-cultural phenomenological methodology” of collaboration in which the anthropologist walks the land with indigenous community members. The Cowichan elder I was working with, Luschiim, was unable to physically walk the land with me, so in lieu of the physical experience I showed him photos of the archaeological features and recorded his interpretations and related stories. However, I was able to walk the site with the lead archaeologist, Eric McLay, who provided rich archaeological data for me.

Google Tour Creator allows you to include one minute of audio, one photo, and up to 300 characters of text for each point of interest (in this case, each archaeological feature). While the photos were either photos of the archaeological feature itself or an archaeological reconstruction of what it may have looked like in use, I used the audio and text to blend the local conceptions of history with the archaeological evidence I gathered from my interviews. When possible I included commentary from both Luschiim and Eric in the same audio clip. When there was just too much good information from them both to fit it into one measly minute I tended to privilege audio clips of Luschiim and included the archaeological data in the text portion. I made this decision because I was conducting this project on behalf of the Cowichan tribe and this was their story to tell. Because the amount of information you can include in the VR tour is so limited, I also made an associated informational booklet for schoolteachers so they would have more background information to inform their lessons or answer the questions of curious students.
Benefits of VR
I just want to take a moment to really home in on what a powerful tool VR can be. As I’ve already mentioned, it’s perfect for making the invisible visible—in this case the hidden archaeological features. It also mimics place-based learning, since the whole concept is about making you feel like you’re somewhere you’re not. This makes it a great tool for students to get familiar with the site before arriving, it makes the site accessible to everyone everywhere, and it fosters a deeper emotional connection with the site. It’s also accessible in terms of cost; all you need is a smartphone and a cardboard VR viewer. The cardboard VR viewers from Google cost less than $10, which makes it a feasible classroom activity. Finally, VR is incredibly interactive, making it an engaging and effective method of learning.
Discussion Questions
- Consider the reasons why we do public archaeology the author lists above. What is one that you find particularly important? Do you have experiences that motivate you to do public archaeology for this reason? Elaborate on this.
- This chapter lists many ways to conduct public outreach in archaeology.. What are two or three ways that stand out to you? Think of a way that you could use them to reach out to the public. What talents or skills could you bring to reach out to the public about the archaeological past?
- While reading this chapter, can you think of a way that public archaeologists have helped with your understanding of the archaeological past? What were some of the ways they did this? Did they use interactive exhibits at a site or museum? Did they use VR, blogs, videos?
Additional Exercises
Activity: Create Your Own Public Outreach Materials
- Choose one archaeological site from the following list
- Çatalhöyük, Turkey
- Stonehenge, Britain
- Sutton Hoo, Britain
- Mausoleum of the First Qin Emperor, Xi’an
- Peyre Blanque, France
- Ye’yumnuts, British Columbia
- Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia
- After taking a moment to get some background research on the site, consider how public outreach may come into play. What about this site is so important that the public needs to know about it? What has already been said/done? Identify your reason for pursuing public outreach.
- Once you’ve identified your reason, consider your method. Think through the guiding questions provided in the Methods section of this chapter to help answer this question.
- Use peer-reviewed papers and/or the archaeological assessment reports to supplement your outreach materials with factual information.
Get creating!
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Jenna Hendrick received her B.A. in Anthropology and English from SUNY Binghamton and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Victoria. Currently, Jenna is both the producer of The Dirt—a podcast about archaeology, anthropology, and our shared human past—and the assistant archaeologist for Curtin Archaeological Consulting. Before working in CRM, Jenna excavated at Peyre Blanque, a Magdalenian open-air site in France, as well as dabbled in archaeological conservation. Her research interests include human evolution/human life in the Paleolithic, peoples' perceptions of the deep past/their “nature,” and communicating archaeology.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
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Learning Objectives
- Define and describe bioarchaeology
- Outline the major components of skeletal analysis
- Evaluate the interconnection of biology and culture in order to understand the past
- Discuss ethical and legal considerations in excavating and handling human remains
In celebration of Juneteeth in 2020, the Portsmouth African Burying Ground Stewardship Committee in Portsmouth, New Hampshire requested analyses of dental calculus, or hardened dental plaque, to reconstruct diet from the skeletal remains of individuals exposed during construction in 2003. The cemetery was actively used during the 1700s, when enslaved peoples were bought and sold along the city’s coastal docks. However, it was paved over as the city of Portsmouth expanded (Sammons and Cunningham, 2004). The construction project exposed the coffins of early Black Seacoast inhabitants, providing a rare look at the lives of individuals in bondage in the American colonies. The cemetery and associated memorial today serve as a symbol of Black history, legacy, and perseverance during the terror of slavery. While bioarchaeologists can examine the dental calculus or the skeletal remains of these peoples, bones and teeth alone do not tell a complete story. Physical remains and burial sites cannot be understood without appreciating their deeper context and personal meaning to stakeholders — in this case, the modern Black descendant community of Portsmouth today.
Thousands of miles away, as part of the Central Belize Archaeological Survey, bioarchaeologists excavated a uniquely shaped skull in the sweltering humidity of the Caves Branch Rock-shelter (CBR) in the jungles of Belize. Named simply Burial 99 by excavators, this individual was a Late Classic burial (CE 600 – CE 900) in a typically Late Preclassic / Protoclassic (300 BCE – CE 300) rock-shelter. The highly fragmented remains of Burial 99 laid next to a ceramic bowl, intermingled with the burials of others. Back in the lab, the individual was estimated to be an older female whose cranium had been intentionally shaped during childhood to appear more elongated. Head-shaping was commonly practiced among the urban Maya elite who buried their dead deep in caves rather than in rock-shelters. However, Burial 99 was the only individual with cranial-shaping in this space, possibly indicating that her geographic and social origins were quite different from that of the farming villagers she was buried with at the mortuary rock-shelter. It would take chemical, microscopic, and other advanced laboratory methods to reconstruct her life (and death) to demonstrate more broadly what her presence in the rock-shelter could mean about ancient Maya social dynamics (Biggs and Michael, 2017; Wrobel, 2018).
These examples demonstrate how bioarchaeologists can provide insight about past lives and experiences from a population and individual-level. Though far apart geographically and temporally, both rely on data from the human skeleton to expand inferences about human behavior in the past. Bioarchaeology is the study of human remains (e.g. bones, teeth, and mummified remains) from archaeological sites. It is a field of study that bridges two subdisciplines within anthropology– biological anthropology and archaeology (Figures 1 and 2).

The field of bioarchaeology is relatively new, the term being coined in 1977 by Dr. Jane Buikstra to referexclusively to the analysis of human remains. A bioarchaeologist is an expert in the analysis of human osteology (the study of bones) and odontology (the study of teeth), as well as the techniques and methods of mortuary excavation. While people have always been intrigued by the remains of the dead (as evidenced by the thousands of human skeletons in museum collections around the world), there has historically been little emphasis on studying humans from a biocultural context. The biocultural approach, or the study of humans through an understanding of the interconnectedness of biology, culture, and environment, is fundamental to bioarchaeology and indeed, to anthropology as a whole.

Integrating archaeological context into the study of human remains provides depth and cultural meaning to skeletal data. In bioarchaeology, context refers to the space, time, and culture within which the individual lived and died. The careful, contextualized interpretation of archaeological evidence alongside skeletal remains is integral in developing hypotheses and drawing inferences about humans of the past, including population dynamics, the human experience, and diverse adaptability of past societies.
The study of human skeletons can reveal information about diet, stress, and lifestyle of individuals. This in turn, contributes to our understanding of social organization, social/cultural identity, gender roles, structural violence, and much more. Studying regional disparities in past populations’ health and diets sheds light on how behavior and societies change over time. Such shifts include intensifying agricultural production, political unrest and upheavals, colonization, and the impacts of past climate change. This affords insights into the possible challenges posed by our modern climate change.
This chapter will provide an overview of the main contributions and methods of bioarchaeology and the study of human remains from the past. We will first explore how analyses of skeletons are conducted in the laboratory, then how recording demographic information (like age and sex), diet, disease, stress, and related forms of data contribute to how we interpret larger questions in anthropology like migration, social stratification, human-environment interaction, and many other themes by combining biological data with burial data.
Laboratory Analyses

Much of the research and data collection that a bioarchaeologist does happens inside the laboratory. Depending on the type of analyses being performed and the expertise of the bioarchaeologist, their laboratory may have long tables with padding to lay out a skeleton in anatomical position (bones positioned as they are in the living body), equipment like calipers and other tools to measure bones, scales to weigh samples, beanbags and cork rings to hold skulls in place, specialized lighting, and a portable camera studio setup (Figure 3).Other bioarchaeology labs may have chemical fume hoods for processing samples for isotopes, a digital light microscope, glass beakers or ceramic crucibles, petrographic saws often found in geology labs for making bone and tooth thin sections, hand-held saws, and shelves of archival boxes with human remains.
Many times, these labs also have corners or closets stuffed with archaeological field equipment like shovels, trowels, sieves, wooden dowels or bamboo sticks for excavating around bone, buckets, and personal protective equipment for recovering remains (Figures 1 and 2).
Some bioarchaeologists either work in labs or bring their samples to labs with electron microscopes, laser ablation, mass spectrometers, and other precision tools, and clean rooms full of DNA-extracting equipment. So, there is no one type of laboratory environment in which to find a bioarchaeologist since the techniques and methods used encompass skill sets and technology found in fields outside anthropology.
Table 1 - Proper Handling of Human Remains
DO |
DON’T |
---|---|
Handle remains with respect and dignity |
Objectify or treat remains as things to be studied or simple data sources |
Consult with families and descendant groups and, if possible, direct family members regarding cultural requirements for the care of remains. Follow all state and federal laws regarding archaeological work and human remains (36CFR). |
Remove remains without sufficient legal and ethical consideration and planning |
Use only padded surfaces to prevent damaging the remains |
Use irreversible preservatives or materials in reconstruction of remains (e.g. super glue, cement, wires, dowels, acryloids, permanent labeling) |
Always use two hands to hold and carry remains |
Desecrate remains by poking fingers in the skull openings or treating the remains as ornaments or objects |
Package in paper bags and acid-free boxes when first excavated and still damp from soil. When dry, store in watertight containers and out of direct sunlight |
Package remains in containers or bags that retain moisture (this can lead to mold or decay) |
Limit access to public to preserve physical remains and the dignity of the deceased |
Publicly display human remains without permission from the descendant community |
Photograph remains and obtain proper permissions if destructive analysis is undertaken |
Use invasive or destructive analytical methods without appropriate consultations of justification |
Keep a clean laboratory analysis space |
Consume food or drink where remains are stored |

The Human Skeleton
After human remains have been carefully excavated and brought to the laboratory, bioarchaeologists take photographs and inventory the remains (Figure 3; Table 1). The next step is to build a biological profile of the individual, which includes an estimation of age, sex, ancestry, and stature using skeletal and dental traits (Figure 4). Additionally, signs of disease, stress, growth deprivation, or other anomalies are recorded. Due to the antiquity of many sites, remains are often not complete or well-preserved.Bioarchaeologists use a combination of methods to generate ranges for age and stature or estimations (rather than determinations) of sex and ancestry. For instance, probability of sex or ancestry is calculated based on referring to the observations and measurements of thousands of skeletons, but can never be 100% known from skeletal analyses. Similarly, while dental eruption is a highly accurate way to estimate age from a child’s skeleton, there is enough individual variation and overlap in eruption ages, that an age range (e.g. saying "5 years ± 16 months" versus "6 years") is more likely to be accurate and account for unknown individual variability. It should also be understood that these methods are often population-specific. For example, several formulae exist for estimating stature from the length of long bones (such as those bones in the arms and legs), but these are dependent on estimation of sex and ancestry first to use the most accurate formula.
Bioarchaeology uses similar methods as forensic anthropology when reconstructing a biological profile. However, forensic anthropology focuses on modern human remains in medicolegal contexts that usually represent individuals who died less than 50 years ago. This chapter will not cover osteology or the methods of estimating the biological profile from the skeleton in detail as there are already many resources available. Students can refer to the free Open Access texts Explorations: An Open Invitation to Biological Anthropology (specifically Chapter 15 and Appendix A) or Introduction to Human Osteology for details on skeletal anatomy terms, bone formation, and methods to develop the biological profile. Other resources include eForensics and eSkeletons, which provide introductory information about methods used to reconstruct a biological profile.
Major Research Themes
Paleodemography

Once a biological profile is generated for a skeleton, bioarchaeologists can begin to assess the data for population-wide patterns. Paleodemography is the study of past population dynamics, including distributions of age and sex through time (Milner et al. 2008). Demographic reconstructions focus on vital statistics, such as life expectancy, probability of death at certain ages, mortality rates, and population size and density. Demographic analyses use hazard models, which are nonlinear mathematical functions that represent age-related changes in the risk of dying (Figure 5). Paleodemographers must deal with strong selection bias: not only are they working with the remains of those who did not survive, but they must remember that the vast majority of human remains decompose before archaeologists can recover them. Therefore, what they have they may not fully represent the demographics of the once-living population.
Mortuary Analysis
The dead do not bury themselves; it is the living who perform mortuary rituals for the dead. By investigating funerary sites, bioarchaeologists and mortuary archaeologists examine the context in which the individual was buried and attempt to reconstruct their social structure and individual identity through the interpretation of grave goods (objects included in the burial such as jewelry, weapons, pottery, etc.), skeletal remains, and funerary structures. This may mean examining:
- Burial positions (e.g., flexed, extended, or placed on one side)
- Burial locations (where is this individual in relation to others)
- Burial containers (e.g., were they wrapped in cloth, a wooden box, an embellished casket)
- Grave goods, seasonality of the burial
- Interment style (was it a primary burial, a cremation, a secondary burial where the individual has been moved since the initial burial)
- Burial area
All of these variables can reveal information about the deceased individual, the living persons who buried the dead, and the complex interplay of ritual, material culture, and social memory. See Digging Up the Dead for one student’s reflection on what she learned working at an archaeological field school at a 400-year-old cemetery in Poland.
For instance, during the analysis of Burial 99 from Belize, mentioned earlier, it became clear to bioarchaeologists that rock-shelters like those she was buried in were part of a large mortuary landscape. In the Maya world, the use of mortuary and ritual space is intentional and symbolic. Rock-shelters in Belize containing burials served as memorial stops along a path pilgrims would travel to memorialize their ancestors and legitimize boundaries of those in power. The placement of Burial 99 in the rock-shelter also represents a return to a ritual location that had been largely unused for burial for several hundred years prior. Therefore, understanding burial placement within archaeological landscapes can inform us about the ways people of the past constructed and used their environment, which reflect the sociopolitical and ritual dimensions of a society.
Taphonomy
Taphonomy in bioarchaeology refers to the study of the decomposition, modification, and alteration of a body after death but before the body's been recovered. The body can be affected by many environmental, biological, and cultural factors occurring after death (see examples at eForensics). A combination of extrinsic and intrinsic factors make each postmortem (after-death) event unique. Extrinsic factors are those external to the body, while intrinsic factors refer to the nature of the body itself (Table 2). Bioarchaeologists rely on taphonomic analyses to establish the time since death, distinguish human agents (e.g. trauma on the bone, ornamental modification of bones and teeth, and ritualized dismemberment with stone tools) from non-human agents (e.g., animals scavenging and river flows pushing bones), understand decomposition rates and patterns of disarticulation, identify variables in preservation, and reconstruct events and circumstances long prior to death (antemortem), at or around the time of death (perimortem), and after death (postmortem) (Stodder, 2008).
Table 2 - Taphonomic Factors
Intrinsic Factors |
Extrinsic Factors |
Body mass (as well as bone size and shape) Age Sex State at time of death (e.g. disease and trauma) |
Water Soil pH Temperature & Humidity Season of death Oxygen Biological interference of animals, insects & microbes Fluvial transport Human treatment/placement of the body (e.g., location of burial, grave typology, clothing, and chemical treatment) |
Scientists who study taphonomy also perform actualistic and experimental studies to understand the effects of intrinsic and extrinsic factors in various burial scenarios. Actualistic studies aim to experimentally reproduce various circumstances of burial and decomposition. Systematically observing, recording, and describing the impact of specific extrinsic factors on a body can generate diagnostic criteria to identify and interpret those same factors and circumstances in the past. Aside from actualistic studies, bioarchaeologists also rely on uniformitarian principles. Actualistic studies often take place in “body farms” like those in Tennessee or Texas, and are experiments involving human cadavers placed in various scenarios and environments So, the decomposition of bodies is examined to understand how factors such as climate differences; whether a body was clothed or unclothed; and whether a body was found in the trunk of a car, in a lake, in a cement block, scattered on the ground, or buried impact the recovery and analysis of the body. These principles are based on an understanding that natural phenomena that occur today are the same that occurred throughout the past. Understanding of the effects and processes involved in soil erosion allows bioarchaeologists to apply this knowledge to interpreting bone preservation, body positioning, etc. While environmental dispersion of remains is somewhat predictable, human dispersal is based on cultural beliefs, and thus to an outsider, may appear unpredictable; and this is exactly why a biocultural approach is necessary.
For example, many scholars have explored the markings on bones and patterns of placement of bones caused by animal scavenging, digestion, and human butchering practices in the past. Dr. Samantha Blatt and Dr. Amy Michael have applied knowledge from those studies to understanding coyote scavenging and to identifying digestion of human bone by coyotes and other canids so they can better comprehend why some bodies in forensic cases are not recovered.
While taphonomy is a fundamental part of bioarchaeology, there are still significant unknown intrinsic and extrinsic factors that may confuse even an experienced scientist. For instance, natural mummification often occurs in hot and arid environments, but can also happen in environments devoid of oxygen or in freezing temperatures. The discovery of Ötzi, also called "the Iceman," found frozen in the Ötztal Alps, on the border of Italy and Austria is a great example of this. His body was found by hikers in 1991 and was so well-preserved that both the hikers and experienced law enforcement officers believed him to be a missing person from modern times. However, radiocarbon dating revealed that he'd died between 3400 BCE and 3100 BCE. Law enforcement and forensic personnel were also the first on call in 1979, when a girl discovered a mummified torso in a burlap sack in a lava tube in the small town of Dubois, Idaho. The remains were unidentified until 2019 when Dr. Amy Michael, Dr. Samantha Blatt, and members of the DNA Doe Project used anthropology and forensic genetic genealogy to identify the man who was known as Joseph Henry Loveless. (For more on this project, see Identification of a decedent in a 103-year-old homicide case using forensic anthropology and genetic genealogy or He Escaped from Jail…a Century Ago.) Loveless’s mummified and headless remains had gone unidentified for more than 40 years despite attempts by anthropologists, local law enforcement, and the FBI. Because the taphonomic factors in the cave were largely unknown, it was difficult to determine at first when the man had died. Incredibly, Loveless was found to have died in 1916, nearly 60 years before his mummified remains were recovered in the cave. In this case, the cave environment acted to preserve the remains (including the DNA used in his eventual identification). See Special Topics boxes below on Weathering and Staining, Cremains, and Commingled Remains for additional examples of how taphonomic processes affect bioarchaeology.
Special Topics - Weathering and Staining
Bone weathering, or the chemical or mechanical deterioration of bone, is one of the most commonly observed taphonomic changes (see Fernandez-Jalvo and Andrews, 2016 for more on taphonomic alterations). Weathering can appear as sun bleaching, cracking, flaking, warping, and/or erosion. Weathering is often scored on a scale of zero to five and varies based on sun exposure, wet/dry, and freeze/thaw cycles. If a body decomposes on the soil surface, the exposed bones will show progressive cracking and whitening with time, and eventually display deep splinters, exfoliation and splintering on the bone surface. By contrast, a body that has been buried may decompose more slowly and the bone can become stained by the surrounding soil. Bone that has been interred for an extended time tends to show uniform coloration, while bones buried only briefly show substantial variations in the same colors (Pokines et al. 2022). It is possible for both sun bleaching and soil staining to occur unevenly across the body or on a single bone, thus providing clues to how the body or bone was placed or moved. Sometimes bone can appear very white due to other circumstances. Calcine bones, which are white due to heat exposure, can be mistaken as sun bleached bones. Similarly, culturally-based mortuary practices may impart differential weathering to the bones. Some cultures’ funeral rites include preparing the bones of the deceased by stripping the flesh from bone, followed by degreasing the remaining bones. This results in a similar bleaching of the bones, though not due to sun exposure.

Root etching is a common taphonomic modification that is recognized as shallow grooves or discolored tracks on the bone surface (Figure 6). These tracks are etched by the growth and decay of plant roots adjacent to the bone. As these roots grow and decay, various acids are produced which dissolve the mineral parts of the bone in direct contact with the growing root systems. Pine needles can cause a similar taphonomic effect, though in less organized lines. Algae and moss can grow on bone exposed to the surface and can leave green discoloration, the stain resulting from the chlorophyll of the plant and plant allies. Damage caused by insects (e.g., wasps, termites, and beetles) can also mimic root etching.

Cupric staining refers to a staining of bone resulting from copper or copper alloys (e.g. bronze and brass). This type of emerald green or even blue staining, along with staining from other metals like iron (anywhere from a red/orange color to green, blue, or black coloration) and mercury (usually a gray/bluish or black color), is the result of the corrosion of metals, found in jewelry, clothing rivets, coffin hardware, or weapons adjacent to the body (Figure 7). Indeed, the Latin term for copper, cuprum, gave us the chemical symbol Cu. Sometimes these corroding alloys help preserve other burial objects such as textiles. A red stain on the bone can also be the result of red ochre being applied to the body during burial. Red ochre, a natural clay earth pigment, has been used in mortuary practices around the world for thousands of years.
Less is known about the taphonomy of teeth, which are assumed to be less susceptible to taphonomic processes than bone since they are more mineralized and less likely to decompose. However, teeth and other dental tissues are still vulnerable to mechanical damage, including breakage, as well as heat damage. There has been some documentation of these dental tissues absorbing chemicals or being affected by the pH of the surrounding soils (Blatt et al. 2019). Dental tissues and dental restoration materials (e.g. fillings made from amalgam, composite, or porcelain) also show variable damage to corrosives, natural or man-made, and can soften or be completely dissolved in acidic soils.
Special Topics - Cremains

Heating and thermal damage to bones and teeth have dramatic effects and are well studied. Cremation is a common mortuary practice around the world and throughout time. Cremation can utilize different technologies and thus may result in anything from a lightly heated or cooked bone to very fragmented bones, or in the modern Western world, bone that has been ground to ash. Unlike today, where modern cremation equipment results in crushing and grinding bones into small fragments and powder, many cremation practices not involving modern methods result in much larger skeletal elements at the end of the process. The source of heat, temperature, proximity to the heat source, and duration of heat exposure greatly influence the damage to the bone. For instance, a modern crematorium can reach temperatures of 1000 degrees C, while a campsite fire may reach half that temperature. Archaeologically, bones exposed to heat can preserve well, like those of the remains of humans from Pompeii who died during the volcanic eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in AD 79. The decomposed remains at Pompeii left a void of air under the ash layer that covered the bodies, allowing archaeologists to make plaster casts of the bodies encasing bones (Figure 8).
An understanding of tissue and bone depth in different areas of the body is essential for interpreting sequence and events, such as body placement or dismemberment, prior to a cremation. Bones in the body that are shallow to skin and muscle, such as fingers or the cranial vault, will burn before deeper set bones such as those of the joints. Some cultural practices involve dismembering the body, or cutting the body apart much as one would butcher an animal for food. In these cases, the joint surfaces of some bones may be exposed to heat before other areas. The bioarchaeologist must consider the placement of the body and body parts in proximity to the heat source, as well as if the bone was fleshed, green (i.e. defleshed, but not dry), or dry when exposed to heat. Additionally, certain types of cracking, fracturing, warping, and/or shrinkage of bones serve as criteria for interpreting the burning event (Pokines et al. 2022).
Case Study:

On the smallest of the Cook Islands, Mangaia, human skeletal remains representing hundreds of individuals were found burned and deposited in a rock-shelter midden with other animal remains (Steadman et al. 2000). The question that arose for bioarchaeologists was, why? What happened on Mangaia? Analysis of the bones by Dr. Samantha Blatt, then an undergraduate student, revealed part of the story. From the brown, tan, and black color of most of the bones, most showed evidence of cooking or burning at lower temperatures without direct exposure to a heat source. Bones heated at high temperatures and those unfleshed can change from brown to black and then to white coloration, known as calcined. The bones represented males and females of all ages, treated in the same manner as animals when they are consumed: deposited and commingled in a midden within a rock-shelter. The pattern of burning suggested that the bodies had been butchered and the most utilitarian parts, with the highest yield of muscle tissue, exhibited the greatest exposure to heat. Most bones also appeared to have been fleshed when burned from the patterns of fragmentation and cracking on the bone surface. Other sites on the island showed cut marks that appeared to be made by humans on human bones. Tying in historical context, it is possible that a change in chiefdoms along with environmental strain resulted in the killing of a group on the island and the bodies were burned, perhaps through use of low heat earth ovens, and possibly even consumed.
Like Mangaia, other Polynesian islands have shown archaeological evidence of intense internal competition for food and other resources and intensified production systems that exceeded the capacity of resources on an island. There are also ethnographic records noting the increased intergroup aggression, raiding, and warfare among people of the island in different geographic regions. Mangaia itself was divided into six districts spreading from the coastline and each meeting at the volcano at the center of the island (Figure 9). Archaeological sites in all districts have shown a significant change in vertebrate consumption through time. While initial isotopes from human bone were interpreted to indicate a cannibalistic diet, more recent analyses suggested a diet of fish and terrestrial animals, but not necessarily cannibalism. The increased nitrogen levels found in human bones may also have been related to nutritional stress, but do not rule out nutritive cannibalism (cannibalism practiced for nutritional need) (Barca et al. 2016).
Want to learn more about analysis of burned human bone? Explore the resources here.
Special Topics - Commingled Remains

Commingling is the mixing of whole or fragmented remains of two or more individuals into a single context (Figure 10). Commingling can result from multiple taphonomic processes, such as animal scavenging or intentional depositing by humans, which can occur in singular events or in longer-term, repeated episodes, depending on the cultures’ funeral practices. Commingling can also happen unintentionally in a lab or in curated collections that lacked context upon acquisition or lost context and excavation documents at some point after a museum had acquired the specimens.
Taphonomic processes aside, long-term assemblages are usually the result of the continued use of a burial space by communities. Primary burials are those which remain in situ from the time the body was first deposited. Whether intentional or accidental, secondary burials happen when remains are exhumed or moved and then reburied. Sometimes the presence or absence of small bones, like those in the hands, can be used to identify whether an assemblage is the result of a primary or secondary burial. This is because, as bones are removed from one location to another in a secondary burial, smaller bones may be lost or not recovered during the transfer. In primary burials, these small bones are more likely to be present and discovered by archaeologists.
Episodic assemblages can be the result of mass burials, whether because of plagues, warfare, sacrifices, or any event that results in the death of multiple individuals in one time period. This can be in a single incident, such as a flood or battle, or in recurring incidents, such as in cases of plague or diseases. Therefore, these episodic assemblages tend to have less commingling than longer-term assemblages. Additionally, the representativeness of the bones or demography of the assemblage on the whole can be more limited. For example, an assemblage resulting from warfare may exclusively contain young adult males with evidence of skeletal trauma. An assemblage resulting from a plague, which is more likely to affect the very young and the very old, may not be representative of typical population demographics. Fear of the spread of a disease could also mean the individuals were given minimal rites and burials without grave goods, coffins, or any sign of their rank in society. Often, this fear results in hurried burials in preexisting pits or mass graves that differ from general burials.
The first step to understanding the extent of commingling is to create an inventory of all the bones present in the assemblage. From skeletal inventories, the minimum number of individuals (MNI) and/or minimum number of elements (MNE) can be calculated. First, special care must be taken to identify the side of the body from which each bone comes. The size and skeletal maturation of bones can be used to determine the approximate age(s) of the skeleton(s) at death. Skeletal maturation refers to using multiple lines of evidence, such as the fusion of the epiphyses of long bones, to estimate how old an individual was at death. It is important to remember that, while skeletal maturation occurs at a predictable rate, it does not directly correspond to calendrical age. Thus, two different 15-year-olds may show very different levels of skeletal maturation, despite being the same age. Likewise, any pathological lesions from chronic diseases, like syphilis, or traumatic injuries, like a broken, but healed, arm, should be noted, as these patterns may help in pairing disarticulated skeletal elements.
In the simplest of methods, the number of the most abundant bone type is equal to the MNI (Figure 11). Consider an assemblage that consists of twelve right and eight left femora, eight right and ten left humerii, and ten right and eight left radii. In this case, the MNI would be twelve based on the presence of the right femur of twelve individuals (since people only have one right femur each). Alternatively, the number of paired bones from bilateral elements can be added into this calculation. One issue with this method is that fragmented or damaged bone may limit the ability to pair elements. You can practice MNI in the second activity listed in Additional Exercises at the end of this chapter.

If fragmented elements are included, minimum number of elements, or MNE, becomes an increasingly important method, which may involve zonation of identifiable fragments by bone morphology and division of fragments according to location in the body. For fragmented collections, it is generally the MNE that is needed to account for the fragments forming specific types of bones. Like MNI, size, side, cut marks, taphonomy, or particular anatomy can help indicate which fragments may be part of the same whole bone. In some cases, this is a fraction (e.g. three vertebrae needed to account for an assemblage, 24 in an individual, so 3/24 might be the MNE). A common derived metric of MNE is MNE/MNI, which indicates how many of that bone is found relative to how many you would expect to find if the MNI were actually the number of animals or humans contributing to the assemblage. In some studies, image analysis and GIS software are used to count overlapping fragments.
Disease

Paleopathology is the study of diseases in the past. By analyzing data at the population, rather than individual, level, paleopathologists are able to theorize about the interplay between disease and other social phenomena. Thus, activity patterns, living environments, injuries, and social rank/roles can be added into the interpretation of skeletal markers of disease. Pathologies of the skeleton can be divided into eight categories (see Table 3). Grauer (2011) provides a detailed overview of pathological conditions in the human skeleton.
Table 3 - Categories of Skeletal Disease
Pathology |
Cause |
Examples |
Traumas |
Accidental injury or intentional violence, cosmetic, therapeutic. Result from outside force. |
Cranial shaping, foot binding, fractures, blunt and sharp force trauma, high velocity projectile trauma, thermal alteration (Figure 12) |
Congenital Diseases |
Developmental or genetic. |
Cleft lip and palate, abnormal curvature of the spine (kyphosis and scoliosis), club foot |
Infectious Diseases |
Long term infections from bacteria, viruses, or parasites. |
Causes osteoblastic (bone growth) or osteoclastic (bone loss) responses. Leprosy, osteomyelitis, treponemal diseases (syphilis, pinta, yaws and bejel), dental caries (Figure 13) |
Circulatory Diseases |
Disruption in normal blood circulation can result in osteonecrosis (bone death) or disrupted growth. |
Hematopoietic disorders or anemias |
Metabolic Diseases |
Nutritional stress or malnutrition of macro- or micro-nutrients. |
Scurvy (vitamin C deficiency), rickets (vitamin D deficiency in children), osteomalacia (intestinal malabsorption of calcium in adults) (Figure 14) |
Endocrinological Diseases |
Abnormal skeletal growth related to issues with the pituitary and thyroid glands. |
Gigantism, acromegaly, or conversely pituitary dwarfism |
Neoplastic Diseases |
Proliferation of cells in bone, cartilage, fibrous tissue, or blood vessels. |
Malignant, or cancerous, tumors affecting bone are either carcinomas or sarcomas, depending on what type of tissue they originate from. Sarcomas develop in bone and muscle, while carcinomas arise in epithelial tissue associated with many organs. The identification of types of tumor in bone depends on histological examination of the tumor |
Dental Diseases |
Multiple causes such as diet, oral bacteria, food processing, other stressors. |
Caries (cavities), ante-mortem (prior to death) tooth loss, wear (attrition, abrasion, and erosion), periodontal disease, calculus, hypoplasia, and hypocalcification (Figure 15) |

Complicating interpretations, the modern understanding of health and disease states cannot be directly imposed on the peoples of the past. Not all diseases have skeletal correlates, and not all individuals respond to disease processes in similar manners.
Today, bioarcheologists use the term health to include not only disease, but also stress. Health refers to the overall well-being of an individual, including emotional and mental health, which cannot be determined from skeletal remains alone. Stress refers to the physiological disruptions from homeostasis, or the normal functioning of the body. The immediate rush of adrenaline in the stress response alters the functioning of the body, though long-term exposure to this “adrenaline rush” can have cumulative effects on the body. This long-term stress response is called the allostatic load, or the long-term elevated or fluctuation endocrine responses related to stress. This allostatic load, if sufficiently severe and long-term, can impair cellular functions in the bones and teeth, resulting in pathologies that can be observed by trained bioarchaeologists. For a video introduction to these ideas, see “Reconciling ‘Stress’ and ‘Health’ in Bioarchaeology”.

Bioarchaeologists can only assess issues of health and stress in a limited capacity for two reasons: 1) not all diseases and pathologies result in skeletal correlates; and 2) not all bones are recovered from any given individual or site. Bioarchaeological assessment, while limited to recovered remains, is underpinned by knowledge about how individuals typically respond to stress, interpretations of skeletal deformities or lesions, and an understanding of the healing process. However, skeletal tissue has a general response to issues of health and stress, making the diagnosis of specific causes or pathogens difficult (Figure 16). To further complicate interpretations, the skeleton has a limited number of responses to diseases, and so multiple disease states may result in the same deformities. Bioarchaeologists document the type and distribution of bone lesions to create a differential diagnosis of which specific disease processes may have been present. For more information, view “The Archaeology of Disease Documented in Skeletons”.

Initially, bioarchaeologists studying disease in the skeleton interpreted the presence of bony lesions as direct evidence that an individual suffered from a disease, while the absence of lesions indicated that they were healthy (see examples of skeletal pathologies and traumas at Digitized Diseases and FOROST). In the 1990s, osteologists and paleodemographers began to realize that inferences based on this binary approach to disease were flawed. Bioarchaeologists named this problem the osteological paradox, or the reality that individuals without lesions may have been more ill than those with observable lesions (Wood et al., 1992; Wright and Yoder, 2003). Because it takes time for bone tissue to react to disease, individuals without lesions may have suffered acutely from a disease and died before any skeletal reaction could occur. Conversely, those with skeletal lesions had a normal bodily response to disease, and thus may have been successfully fighting off the disease. Indeed, the cause of death may have been entirely unrelated, such as a traumatic injury or homicide. Confounding this issue is the fact that it is difficult for osteologists to identify hidden heterogeneity, or the predisposed frailty of an individual to disease and stress due to genetics or other aspects of lifestyle.

Though bioarchaeologists have studied infectious epidemics and plagues in the past for decades, the COVID-19 pandemic certainly brought to light the value of such research in the modern world. Specifically, bioarchaeologists have contributed to understanding infectious diseases that originated and spread among ancient peoples. For instance, they can document patterns in the age distributions of cemeteries during previous epidemics. The 1918 flu pandemic, for example, caused the highest mortality among young adults, while COVID-19 has targeted older and more vulnerable groups. Studying the plagues of the past gives clues about the impact of socioeconomic and infrastructure factors, hygiene and social-distancing practices, medical waste practices of cultural material to inform environmental practices, and the evolutionary development of globalized diseases today. What do you think the archaeology of COVID-19 will reveal?
Markers of Activity and Stress


Mechanically demanding activities can leave distinctive marks on bone, especially those of a repetitive nature (e.g. rowing and sewing). Table 4 provides examples of some of the most frequently recorded features in the skeleton used to make inferences about activities and stress in life. These markers of activity can give insight into aspects of gender, socioeconomic class, social status, occupation, and more, including interpopulation comparisons and comparisons through time. Bone is dynamic and adaptable tissue, constantly being broken down and reformed in response to mechanical loads placed upon it. Generally, activity makers fall into two categories; degenerative and biomechanical.

Degenerative activity markers result from activity (or a lack thereof), such as osteoarthritis, in which bone and cartilage wears away with age and use, impacting movement (Figure 17). On the other hand, biomechanical markers, or those that modify the shape and structure of bones through function/use and motion generally build, rather than wear away bone. Entheses are a good example of biomechanical markers on bone. An enthesis in this sense is the location on a bone where a muscle attaches and therefore the size and shape of an enthesis can indicate regular body movements and associated occupations. Unlike bone, however, teeth do not have a cycle of repair, so their activity markers are permanent and occur only during fetal development and the first few years of life. Some studies have linked arduous labor to bone conditions, like osteoarthritis, but more recent work (Rando & Waldron 2012) has failed to support this in modern populations. Currently, bioarchaeologists do not link the conditions seen in bones to specific activities, but rather associate them with lifestyle factors such as kneeling a lot while working, which could be associated with kneeling while grinding grain on a ground stone in preparation for eating.

Table 4 - Skeletal Markers of Stress and Activity
Skeletal Marker |
Appearance |
Cause |
Type of Marker |
Entheses |
Bone remodeling or resorption (size and shape changes) at site where muscle attached to bone |
Habitual strain and loading on bone at sites of muscle attachments. Variation due to sex, age, diet, body size, genetics, and health |
Activity (Biomechanical) |
Dental Wear |
Loss of enamel on tooth crown and exposure of dentine tissue underneath. |
Attrition — tooth-on-tooth contact (grinding teeth from stress, tooth overcrowding in mouth); Abrasion — contact of teeth with dietary (food texture or preparation) or nondietary objects (smoking pipes, labrets); Erosion — chemicals such as acidic foods or stomach acids |
Activity (Degenerative) |
Osteoarthritis |
Osteophytes — marginal lipping (Figure 17). Eburnation — smooth, shiny joint surface Pitting and porosity of joints |
Progressive degeneration of joint surfaces due to loss of cartilage and bone-on-bone contact |
Activity (Degenerative) |
Harris Lines |
Thick white lines visible in radiographs of long bones (Figure 18) |
Cessation of bone growth in childhood due to many physiological and psychological stressors |
Stress |
Fluctuating Asymmetry |
Left and right teeth of the same class vary in size from each other |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) during tooth development |
Stress |
Linear Enamel Hypoplasia |
Linear bands around the circumference of a tooth crown (Figure 19) |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) during tooth development causing decreased, slowed, or flawed mineralization of enamel tissue |
Stress |
Porotic Hyperostosis |
Small holes or porosity on the vault of the skull (Figure 20) |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) that usually occur in childhood Can be associated with anemia and hematopoietic disorders |
Stress |
Cribra Orbitalia |
Small holes or porosity on the roofs of the eye orbits (Figure 21) |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) that usually occur in childhood Can be associated with anemia and hematopoietic disorders |
Stress |
Periostitis |
New bone formation with a porous appearance on any bones, but commonly observed in long bones of the limbs |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) throughout life Lesion resulting from inflammation of the periosteum (the membranous sheath covering the outer surface of bone) |
Stress |

Growth and Development
Other features of the skeleton can allow bioarchaeologists to make inferences about the impact of stress and disease on the skeletons of children during growth. Studying the remains of children from the past allows archaeologists to measure the impact of stress (both physical and psychological) on those remains. This information can be combined with other types of archaeological evidence to build a picture of the stressors affecting peoples of the past. Understanding how stress during growth impacts the appearance and later health of adults is important for understanding paleodemographic patterns and, ultimately, the evolutionary adaptations different populations utilize. Lengths and widths of long bones have been used to estimate the physiological age of children. "Physiological age" refers to the maturity of body structures, rather than a specific reference to time (chronological age). Conversely, age estimation from the eruption or development of teeth provides a more accurate chronological age in terms of ranges of days, months, and years. Assessing the age of individuals in this way allows growth rate and delays in growth to be examined in cultural context. Some researchers have used the frequency of stress markers in childhood, such as linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) in teeth, along with the presence of periosteal reactions, cribra orbitalia, and porotic hyperostosis that appear on the skeleton, to predict mortality in adulthood. Studies have shown that individuals with more LEHs (or earlier forming LEHs) who experienced stress during childhood tend to die earlier than those individuals exhibiting fewer LEHs (Temple, 2014). You can practice analyzing skeletal stress in the third activity listed in Additional Exercises at the end of this chapter.
Diet and Migration
Reconstructing past diets can provide additional context for evaluating the effects of nutrition on growth, development, stress, and disease. There are many ways to study paleodiets archaeologically; you can analyze the plant and animal remains from sites, the microwear related to food processing on tools, the coprolites (fossilized feces), and the residue from pottery and ground stones. However, these methods do not demonstrate the effect of food processing (grinding, cooking, fermenting, etc.) on growth and development. This is made more complicated by the general lack of plant and animal remains at gravesites.
Chemical analyses using isotopes from bones and teeth has become a standard practice in bioarchaeology (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003; Jaouen and Pons 2017). Isotopes are atoms that are of the same element but have differing atomic masses. Atomic mass is the number of protons plus the number of neutrons, but the chemical properties of an atom are determined by the number of protons alone. Thus, isotopes are two atoms of the same element (same number of protons), but with differing numbers of neutrons. In archaeology, the most commonly used isotopes are carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, strontium, and sulfur. Bioarchaeologists can examine isotope ratios in hair, teeth, bone, and fingernails. Using stable isotopes, or isotopes that are not highly radioactive, bioarchaeologists can study issues of disease, cultural affiliation, migration, and diet. Because you literally are what you eat, carbon and nitrogen levels in bone protein (mostly collagen) and bone minerals (hydroxyapatite) reflect what plant, animal, and fish sources were consumed by the individual. However, bone is constantly being built and destroyed by the skeletomuscular system, so these analyses only reveal what was eaten in the last decade of life. Unlike bone, dental tissues do not remodel after growth in childhood; therefore isotopes from teeth archive childhood diets, when tooth formation was active. When ratios in teeth are compared to ratios of the same elements in bones, it can show changes in diet over the individual’s lifespan. Studies of migration and provenience use the oxygen and hydrogen isotopes that occur in drinking water. Because oxygen ratios vary by region, the rates in bone reflect the region the individual lived in or traveled to near the time of their death, while these same ratios in teeth reflect the region of drinking water during their growth in early life.

Another innovative way that bioarchaeologists may study diet is from dental surfaces. Researchers have analyzed the textures and depths of micro-scratches on the chewing surfaces of teeth to identify hard or soft food consumption. The calcified dental plaque (dental calculus) on the enamel is another direct means of examining diet (Figure 22). It was in this way that bioarchaeologists were approached by the Portsmouth African Burying Ground Stewardship Committee in New Hampshire to examine phytoliths in dental calculus from the skeletons recovered. The stakeholders of the project were particularly interested in understanding the rich cultural history of certain foods and meals for modern African Americans. Bioarchaeologists can scrape calculus from teeth and, through a series of washes and different microscopy methods, identify food particles and other items like fibers and bacteria. When eating plants, silica micro-fossils from plant tissue, called phytoliths, can become embedded in the enamel and dental calculus. These phytoliths are morphologically variable, allowing not only the type of plant to be identified, but also the specific tissue of the plant that was consumed. Similarly, pollen, starch, and diatoms (single-celled algae like plankton) can also be identified in dental calculus, opening up a new world of examining both the living and burial environment of the individual.
Special Topics - Isotopes and Migration
In 2013, a human skull was handed over to Dr. Samantha Blatt (a common occurrence for a bioarchaeologist). The skull had been in the possession of the Idaho State Historic Preservation Office for a number of years, but had not yet been analyzed. Unfortunately, there was little information about the context of the discovery, the time period of the remains, and the cultural affinity of the remains. It is not uncommon for bioarchaeologists to receive remains from all over the world that were used as ornamental pieces or for private collections without documentation, therefore the skull was analyzed to help bring this information to light.
The skull appeared archaeological based on dental attrition and was later dated using radiocarbon to CE 1300 to CE 1415. Using biological profile methods, the individual was estimated to be a middle-aged female and likely of Native American descent. At this point, Dr. Blatt notified the state archaeologist and contacted regional Indigenous groups for consultation and repatriation.
Most notably, the skull was covered in a red pigment with hairs attached. Dr. Blatt and her colleagues (Watkins et al. 2017) analyzed the chemical structure of the pigment and the microscopic identity of the hairs, conducted mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis from a sample of bone and dental calculus, and compared the carbon and oxygen isotope ratios from bone and tooth samples.
The analyses revealed that two different kinds of hairs were distinguishable. One of the hair types was identified as human, while the others were most consistent with the hairs of sheep, deer, or dog. The pigment on the skull was analyzed using scanning electron microscopy (SEM), energy dispersive spectroscopy (EDS), and micro X-ray fluorescence (XRF). The EDS results indicated that the pigment was mercy sulfide or cinnabar. Unfortunately, since cinnabar chemistry has not been thoroughly sourced around the globe, trace elements could not be used to place the origins of the cinnabar. Results of the mtDNA analysis indicated that the DNA was poorly preserved. However, amplification of the sample revealed that the individual carried a 9 bp deletion, indicating that the individual was indeed Native American. Still, Dr. Blatt did not know which tribe or region the individual came from. After the results indicated the general origins of the skull, bioarchaeologists and state archaeologists repatriated the remains to Indigenous descendants of the region closest to where the remains were believed to be found (refer to section about NAGPRA below).
The isotopic carbon values indicated that C3 plants and salmon were likely a large part of the individual’s diet. The oxygen isotopes of the teeth and bone in the samples differed. The bone had significantly lower carbon and oxygen values, indicating that this individual had migrated from a different location early in early life. The oxygen isotopic values from the teeth suggested that the individual had ingested water from a high latitude or altitude, beyond the archaeological evidence of their having lived on the highest peak in Idaho. These oxygen values from the teeth and bones, though they varied, both suggested that the individual had ingested water from a range of locations north of Idaho, such as in Canada, Alaska (in early life), and even higher in the Rockies (later in life). These data were unexpected, but underscored the need for and value of using multiple analyses in bioarchaeology.
Taphonomy of starches from dental calculus has given clues to food processing and the heating of foods. Researchers even study the DNA from oral bacteria in dental calculus to understand the impact of disease and coevolution with changes in diet and subsistence practices. One of the first studies examining dental calculus in humans from an archaeological site (Blatt et al. 2011) found bacteria, phytoliths, and cotton fibers in calculus from prehistoric Ohio. Interestingly, cotton cannot grow in Ohio! In order for these people to have had cotton in Ohio, they would have had to trade with other people in a different region where cotton could grow or travel there themselves. This discovery from the calculus had implications for early trade routes and crafting practices in prehistoric populations.
Aside from the dietary uses of isotopes, they can also inform bioarchaeologists about geographic origins and migrations of individuals. Dr. Lesley Gregoricka and colleagues (2014) at the University of South Alabama, used strontium isotopes in the dental enamel to test the geographic origins of six individuals believed to be vampires, buried in a Polish cemetery dating to the 17th and 18th centuries. Villagers had placed iron sickles across their necks and stones below their jaws. These items are apotropaic or symbols of a vampire burial — they were an attempt to prevent the "undead" from reawakening and biting another victim. These "vampires" were not those portrayed in film (though they inspired such portrayals) — they were individuals who would have been feared as monstrous and/or suspected of taboo behavior. Dr. Gregoricka and her coworkers (2014) found that all of the individuals marked as "vampires" in the cemetery were local to the region, so while it is not likely they were feared because they were unknown foreigners, they could have been some of the first villagers to die of cholera, which was believed to have supernatural causes at the time.
Listen to Dr. Gregoricka on this NPR interview discussing her research or read the article here.
In bioarchaeology, the transition from foraging (hunting and gathering) to agricultural (farming) communities has been examined across the globe. Of particular interest is how the diets of farmers resulted in disease and stress reactions, which varied from the impact of foragers' diets. In North America, increased consumption of maize has often been correlated with an increase in dental disease and infectious diseases simultaneously accompanying a more sedentary lifestyle. Consumption of certain foods, like maize versus meats, have also been shown to distinguish the diets of males and females (implying gendered differences), members of social and ethnic classes, and age or life stage at some sites. Conversely, consumption of rice in the agricultural communities of Southeast Asia, did not have the same impact on dental health and increased dental cavities as maize or corn did elsewhere (Halcrow et al., 2013). So, bioarchaeologists seek to understand foodways in order to capture aspects of culture and lived experiences within context, but also comparatively.
NAGPRA and a History of Ethics in Bioarchaeology
In the United States and other countries, archaeologists who recover, curate, or study human remains and funerary artifacts do so while abiding by state and federal laws aimed to protect the civil and spiritual legacies of descendant communities. But these laws have not always existed. In the late 19th century, the cultural and biological remains of Native Americans were often looted and put on display or sold without consideration of how Indigenous peoples were harmed by these actions. During that time, museums like the Smithsonian Institute, the Army Medical Museum, and the American Museum of Natural History were opening and competition grew among them to fill their exhibit halls and storage shelves. Most of these artifacts were obtained by anthropologists or untrained archaeologists.

The founders of American anthropology played unfortunate roles in perpetuating the disregard for Indigenous remains under the guise of their own cultural and temporal biases. For instance, Franz Boas, the “father of American anthropology,” not only bought and sold Native American remains, but also helped orchestrate the invasive study of living Indigenous peoples. At the request of Boas, Lieutenant Robert Peary brought six Inuit from Greenland to New York City in September of 1897, to live at the American Museum of Natural History. Thousands of visitors to the museum paid a quarter to view them. Within a few weeks, the Inuit began to get sick. By February 1898, they began to die from tuberculosis. Within eight months only two Inuit had survived, one an orphaned boy named Minik (Figure 23).
Minik remained in New York and was adopted by the museum superintendent. When Minik's father died, the museum staff and Boas staged a mock funeral in Central Park. There was no body buried; instead Minik’s father was dissected and his remains were stored at the museum. Minik later learned the truth about his father’s remains through newspaper articles and demanded the return of his father’s body. Many years later, in 1992, the body of Minik’s father was returned to Greenland, but was met with hesitation by some of the Inuit who did not venerate, but rather reviled dead bodies. Reburial and return of remains in this case called for an individualized approach to the situation, an approach that was beginning to be realized among all anthropologists in North America at the time.
Civil Rights and the Road to NAGPRA
In the early 1970s, Native American groups sparked a civil rights movement in response to the long history of looting and destruction of the cultural and biological remains of Indigenous peoples. Among many others fighting for protection of Indigenous rights at this time, Maria Pearson protested the unequal treatment of Native American remains compared to those of white Americans being uncovered during road construction in Glenwood, Iowa. The remains of the white Americans were immediately reburied, while those of the Native Americans were sent for study. Her activism following this incident led to the passage of the Iowa Burials Protection Act in 1976. This was the first legislative act passed in the United States specifically protecting Native American remains. Her work started a cascade effect in legislature and anthropological acknowledgment of the civil rights of Native Americans regarding their cultural and biological remains.
In 1986, the Society for American Archaeology devised the Statement Concerning the Treatment of Human Remains, which prompted the need for communication and understanding among archaeologists and Indigenous peoples. In 1986 (updated in 2021), the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation outlined six principles regarding the treatment of human remains and grave goods, and this included the consideration of preserving rather than excavating burials, treatment of remains during study, and reburial or repatriation on a case-by-case basis. In 1989, the World Archaeological Congress adopted clauses concerning the science and treatment of human remains put forth by the Vermillion Accord developed by archaeologists and Indigenous peoples together. Many federal laws seeking to preserve and protect archaeological artifacts had been enacted and revised prior to and during this time period. For example, the 1970 UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) conventions also sought to regulate the import and export of cultural objects in museums and public institutions and the return of objects. Yet, it was not until 1990 that the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) was passed.
NAGPRA requires federal agencies and institutions that receive federal funding to return Native American cultural items to their descendants and culturally affiliated tribes (Table 5). “Cultural items” include human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects that have ongoing cultural significance that can be shown to have lineal descent. This law requires that agencies holding such remains provide inventories and written summaries of their holdings and consult with descendant populations to agree upon the repatriation, or the return and disposition of the artifacts and remains. NAGPRA provides guidance for repatriation, the long-term care of items, and federal funding. Agencies must work to establish the cultural affiliation of a descendant population with artifacts or remains. Once cultural affiliation is established, those descendant groups are granted the final determination about the disposition of the artifacts and remains. Cultural affiliation is established based on overall examination of historic and prehistoric evidence of group identity including biological, archaeological, linguistic, and oral tradition to a geographic area. Any claim considered “reasonable” is valid as it is recognized that claimants may face an unfair or impossible task into absolutely proving their connection with cultural items. In this respect, historic and archaeological gaps in knowledge about Indigenous peoples’ history and migrations are not considered to be strong enough evidence against a claim for cultural affiliation. Even so, some tribes have struggled to obtain federal recognition as Native Americans, which has precluded their role in the dialogue of NAGPRA and in claiming cultural affiliation.
Table 5 - Main Features of NAGPRA
- Federal funding and guidelines for the treatment and return of Native American human remains and funerary goods.
- Cultural items include: human remains, associated or unassociated funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of lineal descent.
- Agencies (e.g. museums and universities) must establish cultural affiliation of the remains.
- Cultural affiliation can be established through archaeology, history, linguistics, genetics, and oral tradition.
- Acknowledgement that affiliation is not always possible through evidence, but beyond reasonable doubt is unneeded.
- Tribes must be consulted if remains are recovered or if there is a potential for remains being disturbed.
Learn more about the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act through the National Park Service.
NAGPRA also requires that Indian tribes or Native Hawaiian organizations be consulted whenever archaeological investigations encounter or may expect to encounter cultural items on federal or tribal lands. In the case that cultural items are excavated or removed, specific procedures according to the 1979 Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA) must be followed. For example, if human remains were unexpectedly recovered on federal or tribal lands or lands transferred by the federal government to states under the Water Resources Department Act, excavations must stop and culturally-affiliated groups must be contacted. Any further excavation plans would then need to follow ARPA and come under tribal review. Violation of ARPA, Section 106 is considered a felony and involves fines and other punishments. Violation of NAGPRA is similarly a criminal offense which can result in 12 months imprisonment and a $100,000 fine. The first major test of NAGPRA was “The Ancient One” (see Special Topics box below).
Special Topics - The Ancient One
In many ways, NAGPRA dramatically changed the day-to-day practices of archaeologists and bioarchaeologists and is helping to stimulate collaborative interactions among bioarchaeologists, archaeologists, and descendant communities to build more constructive and holistic partnerships. Since this legislation, nearly one million human remains, funerary objects, and sacred objects have been repatriated.

This is not to suggest that compliance with NAGPRA or the tumultuous history of archaeologist–Native American interactions is uncomplicated, unevolving, or settled. One of the most heated battles following the enactment of NAGPRA surrounded the discovery of skeletal remains in 1996 near Kennewick, Washington (Figure 24). At first, these remains found along the Columbia River were thought to be modern and of forensic significance, but an archaeological team led by James Chatters dated the skeleton to 8,900 to 9,000 years old. This skeleton came to be referred to as Kennewick Man or "The Ancient One" by Native Americans.
The individual was estimated to be a middle-aged man, approximately 5’ 7” to 5’ 9”. He had a projectile point embedded in the ilium of his pelvis sometime before death. He also had moderate arthritis in his elbow, knees and vertebrae, and healed fractures. Carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen isotopes in his bone collagen indicated that he had consumed a diet of marine mammals almost exclusively for decades prior to his death and that he'd drunk glacial water melt from as far away as Alaska. This suggested that he was highly mobile along the Northwestern coast during his life.
Though DNA analysis in 2015 clearly indicated that The Ancient One was more closely related to Native Americans than to any other living population and that in particular his genetic profile was related to those of living members of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation, these data were revealed long after prior examinations were done by biological anthropologists. These researchers suggested that the individual had cranial traits that appeared inconsistent with traits understood to be associated with Native Americans. Many outside of the scientific community took this statement to infer that Europeans and not Native Americans were among the earliest inhabitants of the Americas. A long legal battle ensued, and the Umatilla tribe claimed the remains but this claim was contested by researchers. Several anthropologists brought legal suits against the United States to conduct testing on the skeleton.
By all accounts the antiquity alone of these remains make them unique and rare in North America. Initially, researchers were allowed to continue their study. In 2004, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit rejected the appeal to this case brought by the United States Army Corps of Engineers and Umatilla, Colville, Yakama, and Nez Perce tribes on the grounds that cultural affiliation was not clear. In 2005, Senator John McCain attempted to introduce an amendment to NAGPRA changing the definition of Native American to include past and present cultural groups. If passed, The Ancient One would have been more easily affiliated with a tribe. But since cultural affiliation was not assigned, the remains were kept at the Burke Museum in Washington, away from the eyes of the public, and under the legal ownership of the Army Corps of Engineers, who denied researchers access to the skeleton for further study.
Though later researchers refined this ancestry estimation to include Native Americans, Ainu, Polynesians, and other East Asian groups, the initial claim halted an expedient repatriation and created much tension between researchers and Indigenous groups. Finally, in 2016, the United States House and Senate passed legislation to repatriate The Ancient One to a coalition of Columbia Basin tribes for reburial according to their traditions. In 2017, one day after being cataloged according to NAGPRA, hundreds of members from Columbian Basin tribes witnessed his reburial. Currently, the extent of physical variation among Native Americans is better recognized, and it is clear that The Ancient One possesses traits consistent with the early North American inhabitants.
See "The Kennewick Man Finally Freed to Share His Secrets" to learn more.
Current Issues in Bioarchaeology
While bioarchaeologists study the past, they use modern methods. As in any science, research trends change over time. Current trends in bioarchaeology reflect the desire to learn more about the specific individual life experience, as well as the influence of larger environmental and social processes on the individual and population across the course of life. These larger environmental and social processes can inform current problems that affect communities around the globe. Just as uncovering the remains of The Ancient One had repercussions for Native American tribal members and future NAGPRA cases, bioarchaeological research today is driven by current issues.
Osteobiography and the Individual
Osteobiography, a term used to define the exhaustive collection of all information about a given individual, was coined in the 1970s but has regained popularity recently in bioarchaeological research. Through the careful investigation of all evidence related to the individual (e.g., skeletal remains, grave goods, historical records, and mortuary data), a detailed life narrative can be developed. Understanding the individual does, in effect, help researchers to understand and humanize the population data that bioarchaeologists have traditionally analyzed. For instance, an individual with significant healed fractures may signal to the bioarchaeologist that the population cared for this person during their healing process. Osteobiographies result in more sophisticated understandings of personal identity during life (Hosek and Robb 2019) and can result in more empathetic and sensitive portrayals of past people (Boutin and Callahan 2019). Osteobiographies, in this way, serve as a bridge between qualitative and quantitative social science research. Alexis Boutin provides a fictive osteobiography sample in "An Osteobiographical Narrative in Alalakh". You could learn more about the Bioarchaeology of children in the video Osteobiography: Human Studies from the Bones.
Histology and Molecular Studies
Histology, or the study of microscopic tissues, can be applied to both bone and dentition. Bioarchaelogists may elect to use histological methods to address different research questions. For instance, dental histology can reveal data about incremental growth patterns and health disruptions that cannot be known by examining the dental enamel with the naked eye (Michael 2016; Moes and Blatt 2018). Bone histology may help bioarchaeologists to understand patterns of decomposition and burial environment within and between individuals at a cemetery site (Turner-Walker and Jans 2008). Looking within the bone to see bacterial or fungal changes/invasions can help bioarchaeologists reconstruct the postmortem burial environment.
Molecular studies similarly use a fine-grained approach to understanding the past (Lambert and Grupe 2013). Ancient DNA can be used to understand varied experiences of the human past including migration patterns, food exchange and consumption, changes in diet and composition of ceramics, and even soil analysis and land use.
Bioarchaeologists explore the pressures that resulted in human migration, competition, and resource exhaustion in the past, though these issues are becoming increasingly important to examine in our increasingly global world (Harrod and Martin, 2013; Schug 2011). Through isotope studies, human movement and migration can be mapped in the past. Cross-disciplinary data from geographers, geologists, and historians can help bioarchaeologists interpret skeletal evidence of violence and disease. Archaeological evidence for collapsing or transitioning social networks and mass spread of disease can sometimes be linked to changes in environment, climate, and resources that may have pushed a population to the brink or sped up clashes between populations. To learn more, you can read "The Long View of Climate Change and Human Health" and/or watch “Bioarchaeology and Climate Change 103.”
Gender and Performance in the Past
Bioarchaeologists necessarily are concerned with examining gender and potential gender roles in the past. Gender should not be conflated with sex estimation, but rather seen as a lived performance (Walker and Cook 1998). Gender roles and expectations can shift over an individual’s lifetime, so “seeing” gender in the archaeological record can be a complex interpretive task. Feminist scholarship in bioarchaeology has greatly improved how we envision gender roles, performance, expectations, and identity in past populations (Agarwal and Wesp 2017; Sofaer 2009).
Current conversations and research into LGBTQ2S+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, Two Spirit, and more), nonbinary, and intersex individuals in the past is starting to be explored in the field. While these terms are modern and may not exclusively reflect gender or sexuality diversity of past societies, gender identities outside of just masculine and feminine are not a modern invention. Gender identity is fluid and a personal experience and both gender and sex run along a spectrum (there are chromosomal combinations beyond XX and XY and hormonal effects that can modify trait expression of sexual characteristics). So, there may not be material correlates left behind for archaeologists to interpret gender or sex from a skeleton alone. Deeper investigations into skeletal morphology, DNA, grave goods, and any existing historical records may provide further context.
A recent example, the re-analysis of the Revolutionary War general Casimir Pulaski, illustrates how detailed explorations of skeletal biology, sex, and gender can result in broader understandings of gender performance in the past across cultures (Estabrook and Powell 2016). The circumstances surrounding Pulaski’s death and burial in 1779 were unclear, leaving the identify of the person buried at the associated monument uncertain. When the skeletal remains were examined, they appeared to be consistent with Pulaski’s height, age at death, and known injuries, however had traits most consistent with a female. So, scholars have debated whether Pulaski was in fact intersex. Pulaski’s identity was later confirmed through DNA. Additionally, Pulaski was found to have a condition called congenital adrenal hyperplasia, in which a genetic XX chromosome female is exposed to high testosterone during fetal development and is born with male sex characteristics. For more on Casimir Pulaski, see "Revolutionary War Hero’s Skeleton Suggests He Was Intersex."
The incorporation of gender theory into bioarchaeological analyses has now started to be applied in forensic anthropology and law enforcement with some scholars’ work focusing on identification of LGBTQ2S+ individuals from gender-affirming surgeries and contextual evidence, strategies to understand and reduce harm to LGBTQ2S+ victims and including a holistic approach. The theories and methods used and developed within archaeology are, therefore, useful in the modern world, not just in interpretations of the past
Interested in seeing how gender is important to reconstructing the identity of unknown individuals in forensics? Explore the resources available through the Trans Doe Task Force.
Violence and Skeletal Evidence of Trauma
Skeletal evidence of trauma, in association with mortuary and archaeological evidence, may help bioarchaeologists reconstruct singular or pervasive intra- and inter-group conflict in the past. Injury patterns, rates and types of injuries throughout life, and differences between males and females may all be important pieces of information to consider in groups with documented or suspected warfare, raiding, and conflict histories. Broader narratives about the cultural and ritual aspects of violence can be illustrative in understanding human behavior in the past (Martin and Harrod 2015; Walker 2001).
Forensic and archaeological evidence of trauma on the skeleton can reveal a lot about complex social issues and structural violence, a form of violence in which social structure and institutions mandate and perpetuate inequality thereby causing harm, beyond simply documenting evidence of cause of death. Harm from structural violence can include physical harm visible on the skeleton including skeletal trauma evidence resulting from marginalization of a group of people impacting their growth, diet, health, and health care. When patterns emerge in the form of varying frequencies of disease, stress, malnutrition, and trauma by comparing skeletons from different social classes or groups, societal measures inflicting (intentionally or unintentionally) structural violence may be the root cause. Bioarchaeologists can document both the skeletal results of such violence and the societal parameters from cultural-historical evidence.
Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1921 witnessed one of the most violent racially motivated events in United States history. In the past 75 years, this massacre, which took the lives of 300 Black community members, was swept under the rug of history. Mob violence erupted at a courthouse when shots were fired at a wrongfully accused Black teenage boy, which after two days left the otherwise prosperous, peaceful, and primarily Black Greenwood community, called the “Black Wall Street,” destroyed. Beginning in 2020, Dr. Phoebe Stubblefield began excavations of the unmarked graves of the Tulsa Massacre to help identify the victims of that tragedy and rebury them honorably for their families. Dr. Stubblefield, herself, is a descendant of Tulsa Massacre victims and her work has opened a stage for very public discussions amongst bioarchaeologists about the history of racism in the field, the methods that biological anthropologists use to estimate ancestry, and the disproportionate use of persons of color and marginalized bodies in skeletal collections for research. As Dr. Stubblefield said herself, “I work with the dead, but this can help the living.” In a very real sense, bioarchaeologists and forensic anthropologists can impact modern lives by coming to grips with the violence of the past.
You can learn more about the massacre here and watch Dr. Kary Stackelbeck speak about her archaeological work at the site here.
Collaboration With Descendant Communities
An important part of honoring the past is connecting material culture to living descendant communities (Colwell 2016; Tully 2007). Community-based archaeological projects actively engage descendants to guide, inform, and/or lead bioarchaeological research about ancestors. While not all community members may want to be part of the excavation process, all bioarchaeologists must respect the wishes of descendant communities when developing their research plans. Importantly, if community members have not been consulted, bioarchaeologists should contact these groups and open meaningful dialogue about research questions and practices. Bioarchaeological research, which should always center the wishes of the communities most affected by the archaeological discoveries, has begun working toward research questions most meaningful and relevant to descendant communities.
Chapter Highlights and Conclusions
In this chapter, you were introduced to the work of bioarchaeologists analyzing the human skeleton to interpret broad anthropology themes about demography, gender, disease, diet, stress, migrations, behavior, and lifestyles of past peoples. We opened the laboratory doors to help you peek in to find the reconstruction of a biological profile to identify the age, sex, ancestry, and stature of an individual from their skeleton and how taphonomy and practices like cremation can help archaeologists understand mortuary rituals and environmental stressors. Then we explored the six categories of bone disease, which can help narrow down answers for questions about malnutrition, human-environment interactions, caretaking, violence, and childhood. We also saw how technologies in microscopy and histology, chemical analyses like isotopes, GIS applications, and the integration of multidisciplinary methods beyond anthropology can all be applied to understanding life in the past.
Perhaps most importantly, we saw how bioarchaeology is the study of life from death and is both influenced by and can influence current issues in the modern world. The lives and people of the past bioarchaeologists study are important to their living descendants today and it should be a prime focus of bioarchaeologists to consult with, collaborate with, and honor the legacies of the ancestors of descendant communities by following federal laws like NAGPRA and archaeological ethics. Bioarchaeology is dependent on the field methods of archaeology and the theories and interpretive procedures of anthropology as a whole just as it attempts to extract multiple levels of data from a single component of human existence — the skeleton.
Discussion Questions
- What kinds of questions can bioarchaeologists answer from studying human skeletal remains?
- How does bioarchaeology relate to archaeology?
- What is taphonomy, and why is an understanding of taphonomy often critical in human skeletal remains analyses?
- What is NAGPRA, and how does it relate to ethics in bioarchaeology?
- What is paleopathology, and how is it used to interpret past health and behavior?
- What are some of the current issues and themes in bioarchaeological research?
- The Florida Public Archaeology Network has a resource called G.R.A.V.E. (Gravestone Research and Volunteer-based Education) that may be modified to fit instructors’ needs or students’ interests. Explore http://www.fpan.us/lesson-plans/g-r-a-v-e-gravestone-research-and-volunteer-based-education/. Ask students to consider the following during their explorations of gravestones and cemeteries: 1) What factors might influence grave organization and gravestone type?; 2) How does socioeconomic status of individuals and communities affect cemetery organization? Maintenance?; 3) Can anything about religious beliefs or personal values be inferred from the cemetery and/or the gravestones?
- Practice MNI with this activity, prepared for the Explorations Lab and Activities Manual: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1poWStx-dnyvdovVX4V6fy7Hb99xV1Fn2SAEjn6TqrXw/edit
- Try your hand at analyzing real data collected from two archaeological sites, comparing the diets and lifestyles of foragers versus agriculturalists in the prehistoric villages of Hardin and Indian Knoll in the American Midwest. The Tale Bones Tell activity was prepared to accompany the Nova video "The Great Inca Rebellion."
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version written by the authors.
About the Authors
Samantha Blatt is currently an assistant professor at Idaho State University. Originally from the East Coast, she received her Ph.D. from the Ohio State University in biological anthropology with an emphasis in bioarchaeology and dental anthropology. Her research interests have focused on the histological microstructures of dental and skeletal tissues, disease, growth, and childhood in ancient North America, forensic and archaeological taphonomy of teeth, and individualizing skeletal traits. She is particularly interested in using innovative methods and strategies to revitalize cold cases and has worked to repatriate numerous NAGPRA-related skeletal remains. Her work with museum collections and preservation offices includes analyses of 40,000-year-old canids, shrunken heads, prehistoric and historic dental calculus, cannibalized remains from the Cook Islands, and an Incan mummy. She has two bulldogs, Falkor and Atreyu, and loves thrifting, '80s films, and exploring old museums, and once went on a vacation to try 200 types of cheeses.
Amy Michael is a biological anthropologist specializing in the investigation of human tooth and bone microstructure in an effort to answer questions about past and modern bodies. Using the principles of skeletal biology, Michael asks questions about health, pathology and age-at-death to better understand people in the past and present. With training in bioarchaeology, forensic anthropology and historical archaeology, Amy has worked on field projects in the United States, Belize and Albania. Dr. Michael is passionate about bringing a social justice perspective to her work on forensic cold cases. She is a founding board member and Director of Professional Collaboration for the Trans Doe Task Force, a grassroots organization led by forensic genealogists and supported by anthropologists, which works to identify transgender and non-binary decedents in forensic cases. Outside of work, Michael enjoys collecting obscure horror movies, hiking through the mountains, and doting on her senior pug.
Lisa Bright (Ph.D, RPA) is an archaeologist and also a consultation coordinator at the California Department of Transportation. She teaches anthropology at several community colleges in Northern California. Lisa has previously worked as the campus archaeologist for Michigan State University and as an osteologist for cultural resource management projects. Her primary research interests include taphonomy, paleopathology, and the biological impacts of institutions. Lisa’s doctoral research focused on the health and nutrition of a historic indigent cemetery near San Jose, California. Lisa enjoys cooking, reading, and camping with her husband and two dachshunds.
Further Exploration
"The Archaeology of Disease Documented in Skeletons," a lecture by Charlotte Roberts: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTcMCCP_Lkg
"Bioarchaeology and Climate Change 103," a video lecture: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EkAIfW54KXA
Central Belize Archaeological Survey: http://anthropology.msu.edu/cbasproject/
Digging Up the Dead, by Joanna Pearce: https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/mortuary-archaeology/
Digitised Diseases: http://www.digitiseddiseases.org/alpha/
DNA Doe Project: https://dnadoeproject.org/
eForensics: https://eforensics.info/learning_module/index/
eSkeletons: http://eskeletons.org/
See especially the Taphonomy module (https://eforensics.info/learning_module/taphonomy/)
Explorations: An Open Invitation to Biological Anthropology: https://explorations.americananthro.org/
See especially Chapter 15 – Bioarchaeology and Forensic Anthropology (https://explorations.americananthro.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Chapter-15-Bioarchaeology-and-Forensic-Anthropology-3.0-1.pdf) and Appendix A – Osteology (https://explorations.americananthro.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Appendix-A-Osteology-V-2.0.pdf)
FOROST: http://forensicosteology.org/buscar.php?language=en
"He Escaped from Jail After Allegedly Killing His Wife a Century Ago. Now His Headless Torso Has Been Identified Through DNA": https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2020/01/02/he-escaped-jail-after-killing-his-wife-century-ago-now-his-headless-torso-has-been-identified-through-dna/
Introduction to Human Osteology: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1004&context=books
"Kennewick Man Finally Freed to Share His Secrets," by Douglas Preston: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/kennewick-man-finally-freed-share-his-secrets-180952462/
"Leveraging Anthropology, Forensic Genomics, and Genealogy to Restore Identity to Human Remains," by Samantha Blatt, Amy Michael, and David Mittelman: https://promega.foleon.com/theishireport/may-2020/holistic-approaches-to-case-work-leveraging-anthropology-forensic-genomics-and-genealogy-to-restore-identity-to-human-remains/?fbclid=IwAR2vRM21xNzrsnNnrKtPm975jNP6t5ZwXBKkq2QnBQ_MNo5URSS4JS7DHe8
"The Long View of Climate Change and Human Health," by Gwen Robbins-Schug: https://www.anthropology-news.org/articles/the-long-view-of-climate-change-and-human-health/
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, National Park Service: https://www.nps.gov/subjects/nagpra/index.htm
Portsmouth African Burying Ground: http://www.africanburyinggroundnh.org/story.html
"Reconciling 'Stress' and 'Health' in Bioarchaeology," a lecture by Gwen Robbins Schug: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lAZWDUJb_uA
"Revolutionary War Hero’s Skeleton Suggests He Was Intersex," by Kristina Killgrove: https://www.forbes.com/sites/kristinakillgrove/2019/04/08/revolutionary-war-heros-skeleton-suggests-he-was-intersex/?sh=1866b00422da
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A sampling strategy also known as 'judgmental sampling,' where samples are taken primarily from units and features that are thought to be of interest.
A theoretical approach building on humanistic methods.
Learning Objectives
- Compare and contrast the archaeological survey techniques
- Characterize ground survey
- Describe some subsurface detection methods that can be used to locate archaeological sites
- Explain how archaeological sites that can be detected through aerial reconnaissance
It may seem like archaeologists just walk into the field and begin digging (and discovering amazing artifacts)! If only that were true. Actually, extensive planning is required before tools ever strike the ground. Before excavation or even a survey can begin, the archaeologists must formulate a research question, which will guide all aspects of the work—where to excavate, what kinds of data to collect, and what types of artifacts are relevant. This critical step never gets portrayed in the media.
Once the core research question has been proposed and the project parameters have been designed, the next task is to locate the specific study site. Of course, not all archaeological data and sites are “lost.” Many are well known, such as the Great Wall of China and the Pyramids in Egypt. But how are sites located when they have been “lost” to time? Sometimes, sites are uncovered by chance. The Terra Cotta Army in China, for example, was discovered by a farmer who was digging a well and was surprised to find a ceramic head in his bucket!
Another way to identify archaeological sites is by investigating previous studies by reviewing cultural resource management (CRM) reports, ethnographies, and historical accounts. Works of literature have been useful as well. Homer’s The Iliad spurred discovery of the ancient city of Troy by archaeologists who based their search on the geographical description of the city in the text.
Sometimes archaeological sites are found accidentally, but when archaeologists find them, they are usually found due to a purposeful investigation of a specific region. The attempt to document a human presence on a landscape is called "survey archaeology," and in the process, archaeologists are looking for both isolated finds (a piece of jewelry that fell off while someone was walking, an arrowhead that fell to the ground during a failed hunting attempt, or a single bottle discarded by a weary traveler, for instance) and sites, locations where numerous artifacts and/or features can be found. Sites can range from locations that were short lived (a hunting site that was used for a few hours while deer were being processed, for example) to sites that were inhabited as a densely inhabited village for centuries.
Archaeological surveys are used to identify potential sites, locate artifacts, and provide the raw data for more complex interpretations. For example, finding similar artifacts across a large geographic area can help us to figure out what ancient trade networks might have been used, how ancient economies functioned, or how people were using lands. Traditional surveys, more commonly known as pedestrian surveys, require physical presence at a location and specific techniques in looking for artifacts on the surface of the ground. These surveys are vital to the entire process of site identification and excavation. However, surveys alone are not sufficient to get an idea of what might be present. Instead, archaeologists have long relied on mapping of these individual artifacts to determine the extent of the site . Modern technology has allowed for the integration of survey data into larger archaeological workflows, giving us much greater speed, precision, and accuracy even when full excavations are not possible or the extent of an archaeological site is not know.
Geographic Information Science (GIS) is not a single method, concept, or program. Instead it is a way of organizing, displaying, and analyzing data that has some type of geospatial component. This interdisciplinary science has been applied to fields from ethnography to urban planning, wildlife management to mining, and economics to anthropology, among others. In today’s world, GIS is intimately tied with Remote Sensing (RS), a method of collecting data without being physically present at a location.
Sites not uncovered by chance or by reviewing archaeological and historical documents are usually detected using three type of reconnaissance: ground survey, subsurface detection and aerial reconnaissance. These types of reconnaissance do not typically involve excavation and instead examine what is visible - whether it is accessible on the surface or noted in subsurface patterns.
Ground Survey
Historically, the most common way to find sites has been through ground survey, a systematic search for artifacts by methodically walking the site. How the survey is conducted depends on one’s research question and the specific conditions at a site. Researchers can, for example, consider an area outlined by a trajectory such as a radius or a line extending outward from a central or starting point.
Pedestrian surveys are a cornerstone of archaeology. These surveys rely on large teams of archaeologists and volunteers to walk a site in a specific pattern. Archaeologists line up and head in a specific direction. Their distance from each other will depend upon the landscape and how difficult or easy it may be to see artifacts and features. Sometimes material remains will be rather easy to see (a standing structure or bright blue piece of ceramic, for example), but other times they will be visible only by the trained eye. In dusty areas, artifacts will often take on the same color as the surrounding sediments, so archaeologists will need to know which shapes to look for in a monochromatic environment. In areas with lots of vegetation, you may need to train your eyes to look within and between the plants. You might not see the building materials of ancient structures, but their presence might be visible through mounds or depressions. Sometimes features will be identifiable only through changes in the vegetation. For example, plants trying to grow above the compact ground surface of an old, buried roadway will struggle to grow as well as other plants around them. Conversely, deeper soil accumulated within an old ditch or cellar will result in taller, healthier plants. You must keep an eye out for artifacts, structures, and suggestions that such items might be hiding underground.
When someone sees something, they alert their colleagues. The movement forward pauses so all team members can search that specific area. If only one item was found, they document it as an isolated find and use GPS to record the item's location. Then, depending upon local laws, whether or not the artifact is in danger of being destroyed if left in place, and the methods used in that specific project, archaeologists will either collect the item (in a bag with the location of the find clearly written out) or return it to its original location.
If they have found a site, they map out the extent of the feature and artifact spread and determine whether or not any of the artifacts they have found should be collected. In some projects, all artifacts are mapped in place, photographed, and then left in place. At other times, especially when a site is in danger of being destroyed or when the collection of artifacts will help archaeologists answer specific questions, artifacts will be mapped and photographed while in place and then collected. Sometimes all artifacts are collected from the surface, but oftentimes only some artifacts will be collected to serve as a sample of what is present at the site.
Anytime something is found, the team will pause while the item is examined, GPS coordinates are taken, and the item is “tagged and bagged ”. This involves completing a standardized form that includes information like the date, GPS coordinates, individual who identified the object, and any contextual information that may be relevant (see these forms from the University of Arkansas).

When the goal of a project is to find a specific type of site, survey may end when that type of site is found. However, when the goal of a project is to determine how many different sites exist on a landscape, the survey will continue after each site has been mapped in and documented.
Subsurface Detection
Archaeologists also have subsurface detection tools that allow them to conduct reconnaissance below the surface of the ground without excavating. Important nondestructive tools are geophysical sensing devices such as Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR). These devices actively probe underground by passing various types of energy, laser, or radio waves through the soil and measuring how the waves are reflected back to find out what is below the surface.
By recording how long it takes for the radar signal to hit something and return to the machine, the readings are then manipulated with a computer. The results can tell the archaeologists whether or not any large features (like wells, houses, or roads) have impacted the sediments beneath the ground surface because those features will provide a different pattern than the surrounding, undisturbed sediments.
Other passive geophysical sensing devices can measure physical properties of the soil, such as gravity and magnetism. These tools capture data that generate a map of what lies below the surface. These highly technical nondestructive subsurface methods require a trained practitioner capable of running the machines over the site and interpreting the resulting data.
As a last resort, archaeologists can use probes that physically dig below the surface to learn more about what lies underground but risk damaging the site. A probe involves using a rod or auger, which looks like a giant drill bit, inserted into the ground to drill down as far as possible into the soil. The auger is then brought back to the surface, carrying with it samples of soil (that may or may not contain artifacts) from various levels below the surface. It is easy to see why this method must be used sparingly and with caution as it involves plunging a sharp, destructive device into the ground, potentially damaging anything it encounters, including human burials.
Another method of physically examining the subsurface is making shovel test pits, which are essentially very small excavations, usually one meter by one meter in size (it varies), to see if there is a potential archaeological site under the surface. Typically, several test pits are opened at the same time at a consistent distance from one another. This method is particularly useful for confirming the results of other forms of reconnaissance.
Aerial Reconnaissance
As the name suggests, aerial reconnaissance methods find, record, interpret, and monitor archaeological sites from above. Aerial photography was first used in archaeology in the early twentieth century and its use expanded significantly after World War I. Archaeologists and their pilots would fly over areas they were interested in investigating, looking for signs of archaeological sites and land formations in which sites or artifacts are commonly found and then photographing them from the air.
Archaeologists are able to use a wide variety of technologies to practice aerial survey. We can use our eyes during flights and can use photographs and videos taken from cameras attached to kites, balloons, drones, and planes. When conducting aerial survey, we are looking for visible structures as well as features that look out of place (such as circular mounds, lines or ridges, and depressions) and unusual vegetation growth, each of which might suggest there are features underground.
Aerial reconnaissance is particularly useful when studying large-scale patterns of habitation and use of a landscape. The photos also sometimes reveal buried sites in a surprising way. Earth works, crop marks, and soil marks, which are all evidence of human habitation and cultivation, are often apparent in aerial photographs, and trained eyes can identify areas in the images that suggest archaeological remains beneath the surface. For example, earth works, which consist of buried ditches, banks, and stone walls, often show up as shadows in aerial photos. Crop marks, on the other hand, appear in vegetated areas when plants are growing over buried walls or ditches that stunt or boost their growth relative to the rest of the plants in the area. Soil marks can be revealed when, for example, a plow uncovers a buried stone feature that is close to the surface, exposing a distinct difference in soil color and texture.
As you have just seen, archaeologists can use aerial images to help us find and document archaeological sites. These images can be captured via drones, satellites, and aircraft equipped with a variety of laser technologies. Sometimes archaeologists collect their own data, but they can also use images already collected and accessible through Google Earth. Archaeologists who rely heavily or mostly upon satellite and infrared imagery (images from space) to find sites are affectionately called "space archaeologists."
The availability of drones with photographic equipment attached has dramatically increased the accessibility and affordability of aerial reconnaissance efforts. Archaeologists who once needed to hire a pilot can conduct many aerial reconnaissance flights themselves. With the advent of Google Earth, initial reconnaissance flights might not be needed since Google’s satellite imagery is freely available and can often provide necessary aerial images. Since this tool is right at a person’s fingertips, it can be used as a first pass of preliminary reconnaissance, guiding future, more-detailed inquiries with techniques that offer greater resolution. Google Earth also provides historical data through satellite imagery archived over time, allowing archaeologists to compare views of a location, potentially revealing changes in environmental conditions, water levels, and even a site’s condition (before plowing, construction, or some other disturbance).
Since Google Earth is free and drone technology is increasingly affordable, barriers to conducting reconnaissance have decreased, which is good for archaeologists but also allows anyone who is curious to search. Many sites had been protected from disturbance and looting by the fact that they were buried underground or overgrown by the jungle—few people knew they were there. Now, as drone technologies and Google Earth satellite imagery make the search accessible to everyone, sites are being discovered, disturbed, and looted, a sad drawback of these scientifically useful modern technologies.
As technologies have changed and developed, new avenues of aerial reconnaissance have opened up. One such technology is Light Detection and Ranging, known as LiDAR, which involves lasers scanning landscapes and sites from an aircraft to create digital elevation models. This technology “sees through” dense vegetation and groundcover found in tropical jungles, allowing archaeologists to identify overgrown structures. Recent applications of LiDAR in Mesoamerica have been incredibly successful, leading to the discovery of 60,000 Mayan structures that include homes, fortifications, and causeways. Thanks to this work, we now know that the Mayan world was much more densely populated and interconnected than previously thought. Archaeologists have revised their estimates of the Mayan population to include millions more people in previously unknown city-states.
Want to learn more? Some of the biggest breakthroughs in modern archaeology are happening thanks to LIDAR. If you want to learn more about this and happen to have Disney+, you might enjoy the following two shows that focus on using LIDAR to expand our knowledge of the ancient world: "Lost Cities with Albert Lin" and "Lost Treasures of the Maya."
Eventually, of course, archaeologists must get out of airplanes and their offices and check out potential sites in person to see what is actually there. They conduct ground reconnaissance to find, record, interpret, and monitor archaeological sites.
Parts of this chapter authored by Ian S. Ray are adapted from a beta version of Traces .
Parts of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Parts of this chapter are shared under a CC BY-NC license and were originally authored, remixed, and/or curated by Amanda Wolcott Paskey and AnnMarie Beasley Cisneros (ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)) .
Learning Objectives
- Describe the process of archaeological excavation
- Explain how different site formation processes affect excavation and interpretation
- Explain the significance of context, provenience, stratigraphy and chronology in archaeological excavation
- Evaluate appropriate excavation strategies for different circumstances
- Explain the ethics of archaeological excavation and collection

I love excavation. I love being outside and getting into the dirt. I love the potential that I might be the first person in 100, 500, or 1000 years to touch a specific object or uncover a feature that tells the story of past human activities. Even on days (or months!) where nothing much is ‘discovered,’ I like the meditative process of slowly scraping through the soil, watching for minute changes in color and texture that may indicate human activity. I enjoy the discipline of plotting a measured, methodical grid across a site and cutting clear, straight unit walls that show the layers of human activity and other natural processes. I like how archaeological excavation unites physical activity with mental analysis in a way that few academic disciplines do. I routinely tell my students that excavation is the most fun part of archaeology (Figure 1).
BUT, with all of that in mind, it is important to begin this chapter on archaeological excavation with three warnings:
- Excavation is only a very small part of what practicing archaeologists actually do – and some archaeologists never go near a trowel. Background research, surveying, mapping, lab work, and analysis are all equally important components of the archaeological process.
- When you excavate an archaeological site, you are destroying it. You can’t excavate the same ground twice – and this means that it is essential to carefully record everything that you do.
- There are important ethical concerns about who has (or should have) authority over sites, artifacts, and landscapes of the past. This includes the power to make decisions about whether archaeological sites should be excavated – and if so, when, and by whom.
We’ll reflect back on these warnings as we move through the chapter. For now, let’s begin with a quick review of what an archaeological site is and how archaeologists go about exploring it.
Defining Archaeological Sites
While archaeological survey takes place over regions and landscapes, excavation takes place at the level of the archaeological site. But just what is a site? Although the term is widely used, its definition is deceptively complicated. Many in the general public assume an archaeological site must include some sort of ancient monumental architecture, but this is not the case. At its most basic, an archaeological site is a place where there is physical evidence of past human activity. A site may be formed because someone lost or threw away one or more objects as they went about their daily activities. Sites may also be created on purpose, through the burial of offerings, caches, or human remains. Finally, a site could be the result of the abandonment of a settlement, structure, or campsite.
Notably, an archaeological site does not always correspond to an area that would have been understood as meaningful to the people who used it. This is because archaeological sites depend on the deposition of material objects or physical changes to the landscape – and not all activities have a physical trace.
For example, when I was growing up, I spent a lot of time in the woods behind my childhood home, building forts or playing hide-and-go-seek with my sister. Other than the odd lost toy, there is no material evidence of that portion of my childhood. However, some old metal tools that were abandoned (but never used) in those same woods are still present. The material evidence leaves a very unbalanced perspective on how this area was used during the 1980s. Think about your own daily lives; which activities leave a material trace, and which do not?
Robert Dunnell (1992) critiqued the concept of ‘site’ in archaeology as being essentially unhelpful to our understanding of the past, noting that sites are defined by the archaeologists who observe them rather than by the people who lived within them. He argued that the term ‘site’ is defective in part because it could lead the archaeologist to overlook how an individual feature fit into a larger archaeological landscape.
Moreover, it’s important to note that an archaeological site may include more than one occupation period, and each occupation may have different boundaries. If I camp by the river and several years later someone builds a factory there, the remains of our two occupations may partially overlap, despite being part of two very different histories. Nevertheless, when an archaeologist records the area, it could be noted as only one site.
Despite these very valid critiques, the term ‘site’ is still standard in archaeological usage, and necessary in cultural resource management in order to be able to legally protect our archaeological heritage. As we excavate, however, we should keep these considerations in mind as we consider how the site was formed. An understanding of site formation processes should affect how we excavate and how we interpret what we find.
Site Formation Processes
Context at a site is critical to understanding archaeological data fully. Archaeologists need to understand the not only the types of artifacts and features at sites they encounter, but also how such remains may have entered the archaeological record, and what happened to them after they are deposited or left behind by humans.
The study of what happens to archaeological remains after burial or deposition is called taphonomy. Taphonomy is important because it is likely that some deposited objects are not in situ – which is Latin for “still,” meaning they are in their original place of deposition – when uncovered by archaeologists. Determining who or what could have caused the item to move from its original depositional location to the current location is important to understanding the complex contextual information presented at the site. For example, a plow in a field could churn the soil, disturbing an unknown archaeological site and redistributing the artifacts.
Site formation processes refer to the way that objects or features become part of the archaeological record through natural processes or as a result of human activity. After a settlement, structure, or campsite is abandoned, the materials left behind may be affected by plant activity, animal activity, human activity, or architectural collapse. For example, the city of Pripyat in Ukraine was abandoned after the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster in 1986, and drone footage from 2013-2016 shows what still remains 20 years after the town was evacuated.
As we excavate, we need to be able to tell if the placement or preservation of different items is due to their original deposition or the result of post-occupation site formation processes. After watching the video of Pripyat, look around the place in which you are currently sitting. If that space were abandoned today, what materials would still be there in 30 years? 300? 3,000? 30,000? What materials would have decomposed? What might be in that space that is not there now? What materials would have been moved around and why? How might decomposition or movement of various items affect future archaeologists' interpretation of the use of that space?
When archaeologists understand what forces and events could have had an impact on the position of archaeological remains, they are better equipped to answer questions. Such as:
- Are marks on a bone from animal gnawing? Or are the marks signs of early human tool use?
- Was a collection of artifacts was deposited haphazardly? Or were they deposited by a mudslide?
There are many ways for the archaeological record to get mixed up. When archaeologists are excavating and looking at sediments, they are keeping an eye out for something that can alter the integrity of archaeological sites and can impact our stratigraphic profiles. There are a number of different natural formation processes that could affect archaeological interpretation.
A general label you may hear for some natural site formation processes is "bioturbation." Bioturbation is when any biological organism (rodents, plant or tree roots, etc.) disturb sediments. This can interfere with our ability to understand the archaeological record.

For example, artifacts, ecofacts, and features may be moved as a result of plant growth, especially as roots push through the soil or vines break through architecture. Rodents or other animals may burrow through a site, moving artifacts around, and these burrows may be mistaken for post-holes or other archaeological features. Such floralturbation and faunalturbation can be identified in many abandoned structures (Figure 2).
Other natural site formation processes include cryoturbation (the mixing of soils and associated artifacts due to the freezing and thawing of groundwater), argilliturbation (which occurs in clay soils as they get wet and dry), and graviturbation (which occurs in hilly environments as soils, rocks, and associated artifacts roll downhill).
Identifying natural formation processes and distinguishing them can be really difficult! We can usually see bioturbation because it creates sediments that are of a different color and different texture than the surrounding sediments. In fact, bioturbation is often identifiable because it creates sediments that are much softer than the surrounding sediments. Imagine a mouse digging through 1,000 year old sediments. The older sediments will have become hard and stable over time, whereas the burrow will include organic materials (including leaves, grass, and feces) and will get filled in by sediments falling into the burrow from above and from the walls of the burrow. This creates a different composition (hence the different color) and a different, softer, younger texture. Like many other parts of archaeology, experience will help you see and feel the differences!
Cultural formation processes affect the ultimate presentation of archaeological sites as well. Artifacts from a site may be collected and parts of a site may be reused in a manner different from what was originally intended. Cultural disturbance, like building or farming on top of a previously occupied site, also affects the way the site may appear to archaeologists. By the time a site is recorded, it is often composed primarily of refuse or material that people considered to be no longer useful.
For example, at a site I worked at in Bolivia, a local man shared that as a child one of his jobs had been to collect batanes (grinding stones) that could still be used, and that these would be sold at the market. As a result, archaeologists likely have a significant undercount of batanes that were actually used at the site. Likewise, across the United States, as family farms failed throughout the 20th century, many buildings initially built to house animals were reused for storage or trash, much of which may not be related to the original occupation. In contrast, some of these structures were revitalized and transformed into “rustic” wedding venues. Either form of reuse could confuse future archaeologists interested in the structure, which is why all site formation processes should be considered as we design our excavation strategies.
Excavation Strategies
An excavation begins by deciding where to dig. Archaeologists do not dig haphazardly! Whether we are working in CRM (Cultural Resource Management) or as part of an academic project, we first carefully identify which sites to excavate and where to excavate on a given site. An excavation needs to be planned according to several factors: the goal of the research, available funding, time in the field, and legal/ethical concerns.
Goals, Constraints, and Guidelines
The first thing to consider is the goal of the research. Why are you excavating in the first place? In CRM in the United States, archaeological sites are most often identified in Phase I.This work happens ahead of projects that may impact or destroy any archaeological sites in the project area. You'll learn more about this process in the chapter on Cultural Resource Management and Archaeology chapter.
Excavation may take place in Phase II or Phase III CRM work. A Phase II excavation is generally small in scale, designed to test the integrity and importance of the archaeological site to see if it is eligible for inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places. A Phase III excavation is full data recovery, designed to learn as much as possible about the site. CRM projects can answer important questions that can best be answered by excavating a specific site or part of a site that would otherwise be destroyed.

In contrast, an academic project should be guided by a specific, focused research question. What do you hope to learn? An archaeologist who is interested in investigating subsistence strategies would take a very different approach to excavation than one who is researching burial practices, for example. At my own excavations at the site of Pukara de Khonkho in Bolivia, I was most interested in the everyday lives of people at the settlement. As a result, I focused my excavations around the circular domestic structures that were visible on the surface of the site (Figure 3).
Funding is often a limiting factor when it comes to planning an excavation strategy, and this can be true in both CRM and academic contexts. CRM companies will generally bid for projects, trying to balance the need to put forth a competitive bid with the need to earn money to pay the archaeologists and field technicians and also have sufficient funding to effectively follow an appropriate research design. There can sometimes be pressure to complete a project as quickly and cheaply as possible. At the same time, organizations that contract an archaeology firm may have trouble with their own budgetary resources. I once worked on a CRM project that stalled because the development company that had contracted the firm I was working for did not have the funds to continue.
In the academic world, projects are mostly funded through grants. Grants can come from the archaeologist’s own institution, from private granting organizations (e.g. Wenner Gren Foundation, Sigma Xi), from the federal government (e.g. National Science Foundation, Fulbright-Hays), from state or local governments or from non-governmental organizations. Another avenue for funding for an archaeologist working at a college or university is to develop a field school around her research agenda so that student tuition/fees can help fund the work. Because of the constant need for funding, archaeologists often spend considerable time working on grant applications or finding other ways to support their field seasons.
Another limiting factor for any archaeological excavation is time. CRM archaeologists need to complete the work within the scheduled time period and will often have developers urging them to be as fast as possible. Academic archaeologists usually work in the classroom through the fall, winter, and spring, so often end up only being able to do fieldwork in the summer months – or if it is possible to get time off of teaching through a sabbatical or other arrangement. When combined with the need to travel to a site – sometimes in a different country – and navigate paperwork and other bureaucracy before beginning any excavation, this often means that project directors must try to fit in a lot of work into a short time period. This may lead to long days of excavation with minimal time off during the field season. It also means that much of the rest of the year is spent in preparation for what may only be a couple months (or less) of excavation, survey, and other field research.
Last, but certainly not least, it is important to consider the legal and ethical perspective. As discussed in the Cultural Resource Management and Archaeology chapter, excavation in the United States is regulated under the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) and associated laws, which require coordination with State Historic Preservation Offices (SHPO), Tribal Historic Preservation Offices (THPO), and other interested parties, including current landowners. You cannot just dig without the appropriate permits! Similar laws exist around the world, and if you are an archaeologist working in another country, it is your responsibility to adhere to any legal requirements surrounding excavation and the treatment/curation of any excavated objects. For example, when I took part in a research project in Bolivia, we needed to follow the protocols of the national government (through the Unidad Nacional de Arqueología) as well as make arrangements with the local community and individual landowners where the excavations would take place. This often required prolonged discussions and negotiations before we could even think about picking up a trowel. As discussed in Archaeological Ethics and World Heritage chapter, such discussions are incredibly important, especially as it concerns descendant communities, and no excavation should ever be conducted without genuine consultation.

Gridding the Site
Once an archaeologist has considered her goals, funding, time, and legal/ethical considerations, it’s time to begin the project! Archaeologists often begin by mapping a grid over the archaeological site. A basic grid helps us keep track of where different archaeological features are found, where excavation units are placed, and how everything relates spatially.
These grids are usually set up using the metric system often on a 1-meter by 1-meter unit (square). The grid scale can be adjusted smaller (25 centimeters by 25 centimeters) or larger (2-meters by 2-meters), depending on what one is looking for. The scale of excavation units for a study is selected based on the types of questions the researcher hopes to address.
When a scale has been established, archaeologists create a grid system based on the coordinates of a fixed point - or datum -which is used for all of their future measurements. The datum typically is a prominent, easy to relocate at a fixed Global Positioning System (GPS) point that is immovable so future researchers who can find it again and make reference to it.
Mapping is an integral part of modern archaeology. We make maps of entire sites and many, many maps of each feature and unit (including each unit's stratigraphic profiles) while we excavate. Archaeologists make maps by hand, but we also use numerous other technologies that can add dimension or accuracy. We can also use a variety of other techniques to help us record the exact location of features, artifacts, and unit corners. One of the most common tools is a Total Station, which uses a computer and laser to record locations (Figure 4). The data can then be used to create elaborate maps of artifact and unit locations.
Vertical vs. Horizontal Excavation

Depending on the site and the research question, the excavation strategy first considers whether vertical vs. horizontal excavations are necessary. In a vertical excavation, the archaeologists dig deep excavation units, sometimes in a "telephone booth" style. This is useful in highlighting the site’s Figure 6: Horizontal excavation shows an entire excavation layer. This example from Khonkho Wankane, Bolivia shows the author by the remains of a large structure built along a long compound wall.[/caption]
id="989"]stratigraphy; archaeologists can clearly see the layers of the soil (and the different contexts of site occupation) in the unit walls. Such excavations may also be necessary if the archaeologists are interested in very early time periods that are under deep soil deposits or if they want to better understand the chronology of site occupation. However, because it takes a long time to dig a deep hole, they would excavate fewer excavation units overall, and would only ever uncover small snapshots of the occupation layers they are interested in (Figure 5).
In contrast, a horizontal excavation is designed to bring an entire section or site down to a single occupation layer. This helps archaeologists to see how the different parts of the site were situated in relationship to each other at the time of occupation. This is a great strategy if researchers are following a wall or a building, and want to see it in its entirety. However, if the site was occupied at different times, it prioritizes one occupation over others. Archaeologists would have to dig through (and thus destroy) later occupations to uncover the one they are interested in, and may never get down to earlier occupations (Figure 6).
Sampling Strategies
In almost any context, archaeologists will not be able to excavate an entire site – nor would they want to. Remember, excavation is destruction, so it is always good practice to preserve at least part of the site in situ for future researchers.\
Depending on the specific needs of the project, a sampling strategy for excavation may be random, stratified random, systematic, or judgmental (Figure 7.)

So what is the difference between these four sampling strategies?
A random sample is exactly that. An archaeologist would look at the site grid, number it, and use a random number generator (or similar approach) to select where to place the units. This may be useful if the archaeologist doesn’t know much about the site and is trying to get some basic information.
A stratified random sample is when the archaeologist wants to ensure that she has proportional coverage of different parts of the site. For example, if a site had a clear ritual section and a domestic section, the archaeologist would select a proportional number of units in each area, but the placement of specific units within the area would be random.

A systematic sample would mean excavating a unit in a consistent pattern across the site. This would ensure full, even coverage of the area, but following the pattern strictly also means that the archaeologist could not prioritize areas of the site with a higher probability of producing useful information.
Finally a judgmental sample simply means that the archaeologist would choose where she wants to dig. This is a good way to prioritize specific parts of the site – especially if there is limited time – but has the disadvantage of playing into the researcher’s bias and potentially ignoring the parts of the site that the researcher does not think are important.
In the real world, most excavation strategies use a balance of each approach.
For example, in my work on the site of Pukara de Khonkho, I made the judgmental decision to place the excavation units around previously mapped structures because I was interested in everyday life at the site. I chose a stratified random sample of those structures, making sure to select a proportional number of structures from different parts of the site. (Figure 8).
Excavation Methods
Obviously, there are pros and cons to any excavation strategy, but at a certain point, it’s time to get in the dirt and open the first unit! Through the last few pages, I’ve been referring the archaeological unit, but have not yet defined the term. This is simply the name that is given to the area that is dug for excavation. Archaeological units are usually square, but can be of different sizes depending on the landscape and research question. These squares are usually set up using the metric system often on a 1-meter by 1-meter unit (square). The grid scale can be adjusted smaller (25 centimeters by 25 centimeters) or larger (2-meters by 2-meters), depending on what one is looking for.
The scale of excavation units for a study is selected based on the types of questions the researcher hopes to address. We dig in square shapes in order to maintain some control over the space of excavation and to help with mapping. The units are generally tied into the overall site grid and oriented to the cardinal directions (North/East/South/West). Archaeologists are very careful to dig nice, straight walls that clearly show a profile of the site’s stratigraphy. (Believe me; archaeologists can get very intense about their unit’s walls. If you ever walk too close to the edge of a unit and collapse a wall, you will see real anger!)
Tools of Excavation

The trowel (Figure 9) is probably the most important tool in the archaeologist’s toolkit (quite literally), and is often symbolic of the discipline as a whole. The standard is a pointed masonry trowel, although a complete toolkit will also often include a “margin trowel” with a rectangular blade to help shape the corners of the excavation unit. Marshalltown trowels inspire fairly intense brand loyalty (at least among US archaeologists), as referenced in Flannery’s (1982) classic tongue-in-cheek ode to the field “The Golden Marshalltown.” Field archaeologists tend to have a strong attachment to their personal trowels, and will use the same one for many years. Archaeologists usually keep their trowels sharpened (using a metal file) so that they can more easily cut through small roots during excavation. It is truly a multi-faceted tool, and I’ve even known some archaeologists to practice competitive trowel-throwing events – on breaks, of course. (See The ArchaeoOlympic Games for more suggested events – not to be tried at home!)

However, the trowel is far from the only tool used in excavation. Archaeologists need a compass to orient the unit. Measuring tapes are necessary to make sure the unit is plotted to the correct size. When plotting a 2x2 meter unit, for example, it is possible to ensure that the corners are in the right place by measuring out a 2.83 meter hypotenuse. And you thought you'd never need to use the Pythagorean theorem (Figure 10)!
Nails are used to mark the corners of the unit, and they are wrapped with string, to show the boundaries of the unit wall. An extra length of string is tied to the nail that is chosen as the unit datum (often the highest corner). When a line level is hung from this string to ensure a consistent height, the archaeologist can then measure to the unit floor to keep track of the depth of excavation or to note the location of a specific artifact or feature. (Figure 11).

When it comes to digging, a project may start with a backhoe, a shovel, or a pickaxe to help cut through the thick topsoil and to quickly remove layers of soil that lie over the archaeological context. The choice of tool depends entirely on the type of project and the type of soil. In an environment where archaeologists expect the archaeological materials to appear at a deeper level (for example, when a site is known to lie under plowed farm fields), a backhoe may be used to more quickly remove the upper levels, although a monitor should usually still stand outside and watch to ensure that nothing unexpected is found. A pickaxe may be used if the soil is very compact. On most of the projects I’ve worked on, however, I’ve begun with a flat-edged shovel, sharpened so that it can easily cut through and remove the sod.
Once the archaeologists are through the thick topsoil and into the levels where they expect to find archaeological materials, they usually switch to hand tools. Trowels are used to scrape dirt into dustpans, which are then dumped into dig buckets. Clippers cut roots/branches that intrude into the excavation unit. Brushes are important to clean artifacts in situ. At times, smaller or more specialized tools can be used in specific contexts. For example, bamboo tools are often used for excavating around bone in order to avoid scratching it.

All dirt from the excavation is put through a screen in order to make sure no artifacts are overlooked. Screens can be different sizes and styles depending on the needs of the excavation. A small hand screen can be carried and used by an individual excavator. A larger rocking sifting screen has two legs that sit on the ground, with the archaeologist holding up the other end; to use this screen, a second archaeologist must be responsible for shoveling and loading the dirt into the screen. While these screens are relatively portable, in longer term excavations, archaeologists might set up larger table screens or hang a screen from a tripod (Figure 12). In the United States, the standard screen size is ¼ inch. This is usually wide enough that the dirt will fall through, but small enough to leave most artifacts/ecofacts behind. Sometimes the screen is of different sizes, depending on the needs of the excavation. For example, since fish bones are often small enough to fall through a standard ¼ inch screen, a sample of soil may be put through a 1/8 inch screen to see if anything is consistently being missed.
How to Dig
Excavation continues in controlled levels. Archaeologists do not dig into the dirt, creating uneven holes. Instead, the trowels are used in a slow scraping motion, taking down the whole unit evenly, a little bit at a time. Excavation pauses at points for notetaking, sketching maps, and to separate the artifacts/ecofacts found at different depths.
When a specific feature is noted (like a pit, a hearth, or a posthole) the feature is excavated separately, in order to keep the items found in that context together and apart from the surrounding soil matrix. This may be useful later in analysis, when archaeologists are trying to date different components of site occupation.
When possible, archaeologists will try to leave an artifact in place until its location can be directly mapped in. Archaeologists are most concerned with context—how an artifact or other type of archaeological data was found in relation to everything else at the archaeological site.
An artifact’s context includes its provenience, exactly where the object was found (horizontally and vertically) in the site; its association in terms of its relationship and positioning with other objects; and the matrix of natural materials such as sediments surrounding and enclosing the object in place.
Archaeologists will measure not only where an artifact or feature is located on a XY axis within the unit itself, but will also measure its depth (as shown in Figure 11) to get a better idea of how it relates to other site artifacts, features and geology. At times, artifacts and features will be recorded using GPS coordinates, but these are not always accurate at the scale archaeologists need in all parts of the world.

Sometimes excavation follows arbitrary (usually 10 cm) levels; other times, archaeologists will attempt to follow the natural levels of the soil. Both techniques provide a vertical control to let the excavators know where any artifacts are coming from. Artificial levels are useful when archaeologists do not know the geology of the area well or when there are not clear distinctions visible in the soil between different occupations or time periods. This avoids mixing of artifacts/ecofacts from different depths, and can be useful in later setting the chronology. When it is possible to clearly distinguish natural layers, however, following these levels can help to distinguish between different deposition events, leading to even better chronological control. As archaeologists dig, they always endeavor to keep the side walls of the unit straight and clean. This helps archaeologists to better identify the site's stratigraphy, which will later be important in determining chronology. Can you see the shift from the thick grey ash towards the top of the profile to to the darker brown subsoil in the image at left? (Figure 13)
Stratigraphy is the study of the layers of soil within an area. It is an important component of all excavations but particularly critical for vertical excavations. Stratigraphic data assist archaeologists in putting the archaeological record into context; the data provide a relative way to date the site and its contents and can provide some contextual clues about natural formation processes that occurred after the site was abandoned. For stratification to be used scientifically, scientists make two assumptions:
- Soils generally accumulate in layers that are laid down parallel to the Earth’s surface.
- Older soils will typically (but not always) be found below younger soils. Or simply, that the old stuff will be on the bottom. This is also know as the Law of Superposition.
These two assumptions allow archaeologists and others using stratigraphy in their work to understand how the soils accumulated and to use the layers to “tell time.” Vertical excavations move down through sediments and help archaeologists learn more about the site by revealing a site's stratigraphy! Archaeologists often work with geologists or geoarchaeologists to understand the stratigraphy at a site and what that stratigraphy tells us about the history of the site. Researchers must pay close attention to the context and provenience of the sediments - in addition to the material remains - they are finding and record their observations on numerous forms and through mapping and photographs.
Finally, after the excavation is complete and all notes have been taken, the excavators carefully backfill the units. This helps protect the unexcavated portions of the site. Besides, no one wants a field full of holes!
Recording and Collection

Through it all, no matter where you are working, the most important thing to remember is to take careful notes, as you can see me doing at the site of Pukara de Khonkho (Bolivia) in the image at right (Figure 14). You never get a second chance to excavate an archaeological unit. Once you have removed the soil and the artifacts, it is impossible to put them back exactly the way you found them. In this sense, archaeological excavation differs from other sciences because it is never fully replicable. Through the process of excavation, an archaeologist is destroying the site. If careful notes are not taken at every stage, information is being destroyed -- and there is no way to get it back.
How/What to Record
It is one thing to remember that note-taking is important. It is another to figure out exactly what you should record for any given excavation. Different archaeologists have vastly different note-taking styles. Some have a tendency to record literally everything – from the weather, to the way the dew sparkled on the flowers, to their mood that day, to what they had for lunch… If an archaeologist writes too much, especially if it is disorganized, it can be difficult for a later researcher to find the important data amongst her prose. In contrast, you can imagine it is even more frustrating to try to decipher field notes that are too sparse, where the information the researcher needs was never recorded in the first place.
For this reason, most archaeological excavations have standardized forms – or context sheets – that have spaces for the information that the excavators are expected to collect from each level or feature context. The specific items on each form vary from project to project depending on the research design and local idiosyncrasies. However, most include spaces to record the name of the site, the date of excavation, the number of the unit, the level and/or feature number, the depth and size of the context, the color and texture of the soil, the number and type of artifacts, ecofacts, and/or features that were discovered, preliminary interpretations, and any other notes and/or sketches. You can see examples of some context sheets (along with a lesson about how to use them to collect and analyze data) in the “Gabbing about Gabii” Data Story exercise, linked at the end of this chapter.
All collected artifacts and ecofacts are preliminarily put in a bag clearly marked with its provenience. These three-dimensional x, y, z coordinates, including its layer and its specific position relative to the surface (the depth at which it was found) records its former position in situ. As work goes along, a field catalog is created that records everything that was uncovered in the field.
Part of taking good notes also includes collecting good images. Photographs are taken of the archaeological excavation at regular intervals, and some projects supplement with more technological imagery including multispectral imaging or aerial photos from UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles). However, not all imaging requires technology; many archaeological projects also include an archaeological illustrator. Illustrators are skilled at recording the sorts of details that do not show up well in photos, and can also be commissioned to draw site or artifact reconstructions.
Even for archaeologists without an artistic talent, however, it is important to be able to draw basic sketches. These include plot maps of the floors of the different levels of the unit as well as of the profile walls. These drawings should plot the location of relevant features as well as artifacts and ecofacts that were found in situ. Remember, when it comes to analysis, it is absolutely essential to know where an artifact comes from in order to be able to interpret what it means. In fact, I would argue that the most important thing about any excavated artifact is its provenience, the way it relates to other artifacts, features, or local geology.
How/What to Collect
When the notes are complete, it’s time to consider what else you will be taking away from the archaeological site. In most cases, excavators will collect lithics (stone artifacts), ceramics, metals, bone tools, other animal bone, human bone and any other objects identified in the field that were made and/or used by humans. These items will be collected in paper or cloth bags, which are carefully labelled by context so that it will be clear what items were found where when they get into the lab. In addition, burnt wood or other carbon samples are often collected in order to be tested for radiocarbon dating, You'll learn more about how we test samples in the Dating Methods in Archaeology chapter. Carbon samples should be carefully wrapped in aluminum foil; avoid touching with your hands to reduce the possibility of contamination. In addition, soil samples are often collected from relevant contexts for flotation or other specialized analyses.
Criteria for what should be collected and what should be left behind differ based on the project design and the local archaeological standards. In some cases, it can be hard to tell what is meaningful and what is not when you are in the field. I have been on many projects when objects that looked like lithic debitage in the field turned out to be simple, unmodified rocks once they were cleaned up and analyzed in the lab! In this case, it is generally better to err on the side of caution. An unmodified rock can be thrown out in the lab, but you’ll never get another chance to collect an artifact if you leave it in the field. Archaeologists must also consider where the artifacts will be stored once they are cleaned and analyzed. Good curation is important so that collections can be restudied in the future, but there is a shortage of high-quality facilities available.
In some cases, though, objects cannot – or should not – be collected. Some are too big to be moved from their locations, or they may be part of features (like a part of a structure) that will lose their integrity if removed from the site; preservation may be better in situ than if an item was removed to a lab or repository. In other cases, items should not be removed in accordance with the will of the local or descendant community. There may be spiritual or political reasons that particular items must stay in the location where they were originally found. This is often the case with mortuary or religious contexts. In making these decisions, and indeed through the entire excavation, it is essential to be following clear standards of archaeological ethics.
Ethical Considerations
As discussed in the chapter on Archaeological Ethics and World Heritage, there are various standards of archaeological ethics that govern professional archaeological activities around the world. In the United States, the best known is the Code of Ethics of the Society for American Archaeology, which highlights nine principles: stewardship; accountability; commercialization; public education and outreach; intellectual property; public reporting and publication; records and preservation; training and resources; and safe educational and workplace environments. In this chapter, I draw on this and other ethical codes in considering archaeologists’ responsibilities as we excavate – responsibilities to those with whom we work, to the archaeological record, to descendant communities, and to students and others interested in learning about the past.
Perhaps the first priority is to make sure that the field site is a safe environment for all who work there. This means making sure the excavation is physically safe: don’t dig units that are dangerously deep, and be aware of the potential for dangerous falls or accidents with sharpened trowels or other tools. Every field site should have a first aid kit, and directors should be aware of the nearest health facility – keeping in mind that field research may be far from well-populated areas. Conducting physical labor in a variety of different environments increases the risk for heatstroke, frostbite, allergies, and other environmental hazards. In certain contexts archaeologists should also be prepared for animal attacks, including snake and insect bites. Bacteria and parasites can also be threats, as can hazardous waste, buried chemicals, or even unexploded ordinances that can be encountered during excavation (Poirier & Feder 2001).
In addition, excavation sites should be free from sexual harassment or discrimination. Unfortunately, this has not always been the case. In fact, a recent survey of field-based sciences (including archaeology) found that a majority of female scientists have experienced sexual harassment and discrimination in the field, and sexual assault is also common (Clancy et al. 2014; Meyers et al. 2018). Racial discrimination is also a problem, especially as archaeology – particularly field archaeology – remains a predominately white discipline. See “Why the Whiteness of Archaeology is a Problem” for some specific examples and directions for growth. Until our field sites can be safe for all practitioners, it is difficult to make progress towards stewardship, collaboration, education, or any of our other goals.
Stewardship is the goal to preserve and protect the archaeological record – keeping it out of the hands of looters and other commercial interests. This means excavating judiciously. Since excavation is destruction, archeologists should only dig when we would learn more from the process than we would gain from preserving the site in situ – or when such preservation is impossible due to outside forces like development or climate events. When possible, at least part of the site should be left unexcavated for future archaeologists who may have the advantage of new technologies for analysis and different research questions to investigate. If a site may be threatened by looters, it is essential to not share its exact coordinates publicly unless it is well protected and/or there is a meaningful reason for doing so (e.g. a public outreach campaign). Archaeologists must also care for the objects that are excavated, making sure that they are appropriately curated and stored. In order to discourage commercialization, archaeologists should avoid providing estimates of price for items found on their sites. And it goes without saying that archaeologists should never engage in commercial activity around artifacts that they have personally collected through excavation.

Accountability (to descendant communities and other stakeholders) is key, especially when it comes to human remains or religious sites. Archaeologists do not have an inherent right to excavate anywhere they please; we must coordinate and collaborate with descendent community members and current land-owners in addition to following any state or national-level legislation. While it is a science of the past, all science is conducted for the benefit of living peoples, and the needs of those most closely affiliated with the cultural resources should be prioritized. This means respecting that some sites should never be excavated, and that certain protocols may be necessary in other contexts. For example, in the Aymara community in Bolivia where I have conducted research, it is necessary to prepare a waxt’a (an offering) for the Pachamama (the Aymara ‘Earth Mother’) before any sort of excavation begins. This offering is performed by a yatiri (an Aymara ritual specialist) in accordance with local tradition (Figure 15). This is similar to what is done when the earth is broken for agriculture or construction. The land (and features on the landscape) are living beings in this context – part of the community within which the archaeologists work.
As archaeologists excavate, it’s important to remember our responsibility to share what we have learned, first with descendent communities and other stakeholders, but also with the broader public. We have already discussed the importance of good field notes. However, there is little value in even the most comprehensive field notes if they are simply stored in a researcher’s file cabinet or on her hard drive. For this reason, it is considered an ethical responsibility for archaeologists to publish what they’ve learned. Academic archaeologists generally are most rewarded for publishing in peer-reviewed research journals, but it is also important to share information with the general public – through popular magazines, blogs, TV documentaries, webpages, public outreach events, and/or OER (online educational resources) like this textbook. This also helps to combat pseudoarchaeology, by educating the public and debunking ideas that discriminate against native populations. The chapter on Public Outreach and Archaeology, as well as the chapter titled Understanding Ancient Mysteries will talk more about the importance of communicating factual science-based information.
Finally, archaeologists’ obligation to educate also extends to training new archaeologists in the process of excavation. Since a site can never be excavated twice, good training in excavation is incredibly important. Students should have a safe place to learn without worrying that they might destroy irreplaceable cultural materials. Sometimes, simulated excavations take place in classroom lab or online environments. However, the experience of actually taking part in an archaeological excavation is invaluable, so if you are considering going on in anthropology or archaeology (or even if you just think it sounds like fun!) I would highly recommend attending an archaeological field school. 'Field schools' are generally taught over the summer, and provide an opportunity to learn archaeology through hands-on practice, while also earning college credit. There are also many opportunities to volunteer and learn about fieldwork as a citizen scientist.
Conclusion
I began this chapter with three warnings about excavation: there is much more to archaeology than digging; excavation is destruction; and it is essential to consider ethics. After reading this chapter, I hope you can see the importance of each of these caveats. Archaeology is not just about excavation – and in many contexts excavation may even be harmful. That said, when done carefully and ethically – in collaboration and consultation with descendant communities and while taking copious notes – it is an invaluable tool in archaeology’s efforts to learn about the past. And it can also be a lot of fun! I hope you enjoy your time in the field.
- Interactive Digs Exercise: Explore ONE site highlighted on the "Interactive Digs" webpage - interactivedigs.com. Choose whatever site is most interesting to you. Take your time to explore some of the notes, videos, field reports, etc. Be able to briefly summarize what you learned about the site, and compare and contras what you learned with students who explored different sites. You should consider:
- A short description of excavation techniques (e.g. What parts of the site were excavated? How were those decisions made? What tools were used for excavation?)
- A description of any steps being taken to preserve this site and its cultural heritage (e.g. storage/conservation of artifacts, recording/reconstruction of architecture, publication of discoveries/interpretations, etc.)
- A reflection on the role tourism may or may not play at this site (e.g. Is this already a tourist destination? Does it have the potential to draw tourists? What benefits may tourism have to the site? What dangers might tourism pose?)
- Digital Data Stories: Explore the Alexandria Archive Institute's Digital Data Story "Gabbing about Gabii: Going from Notes to Data to Narrative." This will give you the experience of working with notes from an excavation to see how archaeologists are able to collect data from excavation and use this data to tell stories about the past.
Parts of this chapter authored by Jennifer Zovar are adapted from a beta version of Traces .
Jennifer Zovar is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Whatcom Community College in Bellingham, WA. Her academic research has focused in the Bolivian Andes, where she investigated an archaeological site that was occupied just before the Inca came into the region (and after the collapse of the earlier Tiwanaku polity.) Despite regularly telling her students that the ceramic analysis chapter of her dissertation was the most boring thing she’s ever written, she is continually inspired by the way that archaeological analysis of the smallest details can lead us to a more complete understanding of the lives of human beings in the past. In addition to her experience in Bolivia, she has also worked on archaeological projects in Guatemala and across the United States. When she is not researching or teaching anthropology, she loves camping and exploring with her kids and a loyal dog named Hank.
Parts of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Parts of this chapter are shared under a CC BY-NC license and were originally authored, remixed, and/or curated by Amanda Wolcott Paskey and AnnMarie Beasley Cisneros (ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)). With additional contributions by Cerisa Reynolds
Further Exploration
The ArchaeOlympic Games - https://archaeology.co.uk/articles/news/the-archaeolympic-games.htm
Ethics in Professional Archaeology, Society for American Archaeology - https://www.saa.org/career-practice/ethics-in-professional-archaeology
The Excavation Process: The Tools, a video from Oregon State University’s excavation of the Cooper’s Ferry Site - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x9pGbpIPU-Y
Interactive Digs, Archaeological Institute of America - https://www.interactivedigs.com/
Why the Whiteness of Archaeology is a Problem, by William White and Catherine Draycott - https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/archaeology-diversity/
References
Clancy, K., Nelson, R., Rutherford, J., and Hinde, K. (2014). Survey of Academic Field Experiences (SAFE): Trainees Report Harassment and Assault. PLoS ONE 9(7): e102172. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0102172
Dunnell, R. C. (1992). The Notion Site. In Space, Time, and Archaeological Landscapes, edited by J. Rossignol & L. Wandsnider, pp. 21-31. Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology, Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2450-6_2
Flannery, K. (1982). The Golden Marshalltown: A Parable for Archaeology of the 1980’s. American Anthropologist 84(2): 265-278.
Meyers, M. S., Horton, E. T., Boudreaux, E. A., Carmody, S. B., Wright, A. P. & Dekle, V. J. (2018). The context and consequences of sexual harassment in Southeastern archaeology. Advances in Archaeological Practice 6(4):275-287.
Poirier, D. A. & Feder, K. L., eds. (2001). Dangerous Places: Health, Safety, and Archaeology. Bergin & Garvey.
Zovar, J. M. (2012). Post-Collapse Constructions of Community, Memory, and Identity: An Archaeological Analysis of Late Intermediate Period Community Formation in Bolivia’s Desaguadero Valley. [Doctoral dissertation, Vanderbilt University]. Vanderbilt University Institutional Repository. https://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/etd-08012012-131813
Learning Objectives
- Distinguish pseudoarchaeological approaches from archaeological approaches
- Analyze the influences that drive people to support pseudoarchaeological claims
The stonemasons of the Inka Empire built some of the most remarkable architecture in human history. The walls at the famous fortress of Saksaywaman stand two to three times as tall as a human being and stretch for hundreds of meters. Even more remarkable than the scope of the walls are the blocks used to build them. Rather than using rectangular blocks, like those used in many architectural traditions around the globe, the blocks of Saksaywaman fit tightly together without mortar and often have five, six, seven, or even more facets. Despite the complicated shapes and the lack of mortar, these blocks still fit neatly together even after having been laid in place more than 500 years ago. More astonishing still is the fact that this level of precision was achieved not with small, relatively light stone blocks, but instead with massive blocks far exceeding what one person, or even a group of people, could easily lift.

In the modern era, many curious travelers have made the pilgrimage to Saksaywaman so that they could marvel at this feat of human engineering. Among these travelers, there have been some doubtful visitors who questioned whether the Inka masons could have truly built these massive walls. After all, construction workers today resort to cranes and other mechanized methods to move similar sized objects. But, if these walls were not built by the Inka, who could have built them? Our doubtful visitors have provided many intriguing, although speculative, answers to this question, ranging from the descendants of the lost continent of Atlantis to visiting space aliens who saw fit to offer humanity a helping hand.
There is a notable problem with these alternative answers. Despite the enormity of the walls at Saksaywaman, archaeologists have been able to answer exactly how the Inka masons achieved this task by examining data from a variety of Inka settlements. Many stone blocks at these other sites exhibit similar patterns of construction, albeit on a less monumental scale. At some of these sites, a few blocks retain small stone protrusions. These protrusions were used in combination with wooden poles to create the simplest of machines, a lever, to raise and lower the blocks until the perfect fit had been achieved (Protzen, 1993). Ideally, these protrusions should have been removed from the blocks when the wall was finished, but the Inka Empire was a relatively short-lived affair and some of the Empire's building projects were left unfinished. While it may seem remarkable that the blocks of Saksaywaman were lifted with wooden poles, any modern engineer can attest to the remarkable power of levers.
Alternative claims in archaeology, like those forwarded for the walls of Saksaywaman, have enjoyed great popularity over the years. They have been featured as plot points in Hollywood blockbusters such as Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull, hit videogames like Assassin’s Creed, and even used as the basis of the Stargate SG-1 television series. They have been found in bestselling books like 1421: The Year China Discovered the World by Gavin Menses and Fingerprints of the Gods by Graham Hancock. Topping off the list, cable television has produced an innumerable quantity of infotainment documentaries alleging a variety of spurious claims about the human past. Most influential among these shows has been the Ancient Aliens series produced by the History Channel with a total of 18 seasons aired and more to come. In the face of this rising tide, many archaeologists have sought to speak out against these claims, yet their voices seem to have had little effect.
Some may ask, 'What is the harm in a few entertaining speculations about the past?' For one, our collective reputation for human achievement is at stake. By denying the Inka stonemasons credit for their work building the walls of Saksaywaman, we are denying the brilliance and innovative skill of human ancestors. Furthermore, all too often these ‘entertaining speculations’ are made regarding structures built by Indigenous peoples, and as a result these speculations become targeted prejudice questioning the achievements of not all humans, but instead only certain humans.
In addition, alternative claims represent an assault on our mental faculties that should concern us greatly. In most cases, alternative claims about archaeology can be debunked with surprisingly little effort. Yet new believers are drawn in on a regular basis. A survey conducted by Chapman University (2018) found that 41% of Americans professed a belief that archaeological evidence supported the claim of ancient alien visitors, that number has doubled since 2015. In the same survey, 57% of Americans claimed Atlantis, or something like it, was also a real place. Both of these claims have been debunked, repeatedly (Colavito, 2005; Kershaw, 2018). The fact that we are so easily seduced by blatantly false claims should be a matter of great concern to us all.

The purpose of this chapter is to engage with these alternative claims in archaeology rather than to brush them aside. Many archaeologists who have attempted to address these issues have focused on debunking claims; that is to say, proving why particular alternative claims about the human past are incorrect. This is important work, but with the continuing rise in popularity of alternative claims it is apparent that debunking is not enough. To combat this misinformation, we need to understand what unites these alternative claims and what the history is behind them. We need to understand the difference between archaeology and pseudoarchaeology.
What is Pseudoarchaeology?
Pseudoarchaeology can be a difficult concept to define. After all, it is a subject that includes topics as diverse as ancient alien contact and claims that Chinese sailors reached the Americas long before Europeans. Pseudoarchaeological claims misrepresent the nature of the archaeological record and methods in order to support predetermined conclusions, e.g., that Atlantis was a real and veritable culture of the ancient world. Yet, when an archaeologist dismisses pseudoarchaeological claims on these grounds, it is often perceived as an authority figure defending establishment opinions. Pseudoarchaeologists have capitalized on dismissals of their claims by painting archaeologists as closed minded and unable to see outside of the confines of their own tradition. Occasionally it has even been alleged that archaeologists are active members in a conspiracy to conceal the true past of humanity. The result has been that pseudoarchaeologists are able to present themselves as a group of outsiders, discriminated against for their claims, but who are nonetheless passionately fighting for the truth. That is a powerful position from which to attract new interested parties.
The characterization of archaeologists as inflexible and blinded by tradition, however, is demonstrably untrue. The very nature of archaeological discourse involves debate, argument, and ultimately revision in the face of new data. Archaeology does not exist without change. For example, archaeologists once insisted that the remains of the Clovis culture represented the earliest human settlers in the Americas. For a period, this claim was insurmountable and anyone who suggested they had found older archaeological remains in the Americas faced skeptical and disbelieving colleagues. Slowly, however, evidence for an earlier occupation mounted with excavations at sites like Monte Verde in Chile and Meadowcroft rock shelter in Pennsylvania, USA. The Clovis First proponents did not give up their position easily, but gradually the weight of evidence convinced the archaeological community that a new understanding of the colonization of the Americas was needed (Meltzer, 2021).
Even more appropriately for this chapter, we can point to the Norse tales that implied Vikings explored the North American coastline. With no physical proof, archaeologists were happy to lump these tales into the category of myth, but when excavations at L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland, Canada, uncovered clear examples of a Norse settlement site (Ingstad & Ingstad, 2001), archaeologists rapidly changed their opinions on the veracity of these tales. The idea that interpretations of the past can and will change upon the discovery of new data is inherent to modern archaeology.
Yet the dichotomy between archaeology and pseudoarchaeology remains, and we have trouble defining pseudoarchaeology without resorting to an "I'm right and you're wrong!" mindset. Ultimately, the difference between these two approaches can be best defined through epistemology, a word that I learned (and never again forgot) from reading Ken Feder's book Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology (2019). Epistemology refers broadly to the study of knowledge, but we can understand this concept more simply as "how you know what you know." For example, you know that the sun rises in the East not simply because you read it in a book (a secondary source), but because you have watched it happen (a primary source).
Modern archaeologists rely on an epistemology rooted in the scientific method, which requires empirical data analysis and a focus on the context in which data is embedded. An ancient pot is just a pot, but when we know whether it was found in a royal storeroom or alongside a humble hearth, we can learn much more about the people who made it. Archaeological interpretations must be based on the observation of all available data points in relation to their context rather than by looking at a single data point in isolation.
The epistemological difference between archaeology and pseudoarchaeology can be illustrated with a classic example, the Kensington Runestone. In 1898, a Norwegian-American farmer named Olaf Ohman found a slab of stone on his farm outside of Kensington, Minnesota. This stone slab was covered with an inscription written in Medieval Scandinavian runes. Ohman brought the stone into town and its existence was reported in the local paper. As 19th century Minnesota was home to many Norwegian immigrants (an amazing coincidence), it was not long before someone was found who could read this ancestral script. The inscription told the story of a group of wandering Vikings who had made it all the way to Minnesota in the 14th century CE. Advocates for the runestone's authenticity adopted a pseudoarchaeological epistemology, proclaiming that this one solitary artifact demonstrated the existence of an expansive Viking exploration program into the heart of North America.
The archaeological response has been to ask what other data points are available. As the runestone was found in an empty field, there is no immediate context to compare it to, that is, no other Viking-style artifacts or structures were found. Ultimately, hundreds of archaeological sites have been excavated throughout Minnesota and no other sites show signs of Viking visitors. Instead, only Native American artifacts have been found in contexts that predate the European colonization of North America. If archaeologists have proven anything about human nature it is that humans are messy. Either through deliberate or accidental action, we leave trails of objects behind us wherever we go. No matter how fastidious the Kensington Viking explorers might have been, they would have left something else behind.
In another example, look at the legacy left by European explorer James Cook. Today, the South Pacific is littered with artifacts left behind by Cook and his sailors. The same can be said of other European explorers, including Christopher Columbus, Hernando de Soto, and even the actual Viking explorers who founded the aforementioned village at the L'Anse aux Meadows. The idea that a group of explorers would leave behind a single runestone describing their voyage and nothing else should inspire a great deal of skepticism.
The nail in the coffin of the Kensington Runestone came not from archaeological evidence, since there is not contextual evidence, but from an analysis of the inscription itself. Linguist Henrik Williams has shown that both the runes and the language used in the Kensington Runestone are inconsistent with a 14th century Norse inscription. For example, the term opthagelse farth, meaning "journey of exploration," does not come into widespread usage until the 16th century. Viking explorers in the 14th century, like those alleged in the Kensington Runestone, are unlikely to have known or used this term (Williams, 2012). Between the lack of supporting archaeological evidence and the critical analysis of the text, most archaeologists believe the Kensington runestone represents the work of 19th century forgers and is thus poor evidence for the existence of Viking explorers in Minnesota.
Pseudoarchaeology is frequently characterized by an epistemology that privileges solitary or anomalous data points over the plethora of consistent and reinforcing data points favored by archaeologists. There is an undeniable glamour in the pseudoarchaeology approach. It fosters the idea that one thoughtful individual may uncover the long-overlooked artifact that will overturn centuries of dry and dusty academic opinion. A traditional archaeological epistemology, however, provides a greater degree of confidence in our interpretations by incorporating not just a single artifact but all of the surrounding artifacts and their associated context.
Thus, pseudoarchaeology is characterized both by its rejection of mainstream archaeology and mainstream archaeology's rejection of pseudoarchaeology. But, more importantly, pseudoarchaeology is characterized by a privileging of singular data points and ignoring the surrounding context. People's interest in pseudoarchaeological claims, however, is not based solely on isolated objects. For example, despite the clear and evident problems with the Kensington runestone, many people continue to believe that it is an authentic Viking artifact. Among the most ardent proponents of the stone's authenticity are the inhabitants of the town of Kensington itself. Pride in our communities and the accomplishments of our ancestors can be powerful motivating factors to accept controversial claims as true. Other pseudoarchaeological claims, however, have more complicated histories and thus more complicated reasons for attracting adherents. Below we will look at two famous pseudoarchaeological claims, where they come from, and why their claims have been so enduring.
The Lost Continent of Atlantis
The lost continent of Atlantis has a particularly seductive charm that has kept the story alive in the subconscious of Westerners for more than 2,000 years. Today, it is a notably popular pseudoarchaeological topic with a new "explorer" claiming to have found the ruins of Atlantis almost every year. Regrettably, these claims of discovery are often picked up by major news networks and run as a break between more serious stories. With approximately half of Americans believing Atlantis could be a real place, it is worth stepping back and looking at where the story of Atlantis originates and why it has such sweeping popularity.
The oldest known account of Atlantis comes from the writing of the Classical Greek philosopher Plato, who described Atlantis in two of his dialogues, Timaeus and Critias. Foremost it is important to keep in mind that Plato was not a historian or a collector of myths, he was a philosopher who wrote dialogues between various characters in order to debate complex moral and ontological problems. Plato’s character of Critias tells us the story of Atlantis, a city that existed 9,000 years ago, beyond the Pillars of Hercules (i.e. the Straits of Gibraltar). The city of Atlantis was located in the center of a continent larger than Libya and Asia combined (i.e. larger than North Africa and Southwest Asia) and was arranged in a series of concentric circles made up of alternating canals and artificial islands, each topped with elaborate architecture and walls of gold and silver. At the center of the city there was a beautiful temple built to honor the god Poseidon. Plato tells us that this magnificent city was the capital of a tyrannical empire bent on invading all of Europe, but the tiny village of Athens (Plato’s hometown) bravely stood fast against the invaders and saved Greece, and all of Europe, from enslavement. After the failed invasion, the God Zeus destroyed Atlantis.
While this description is intriguing, it is clear the story is not literal history. To begin with, as a philosopher Plato regularly incorporated hypothetical examples to illustrate his point, the most famous of which is the allegory of the cave, included in The Republic.
- In Timaeus and Critias, Plato emphasizes the allegorical nature of Atlantis by placing it 9,000 years ago and beyond the Pillars of Hercules; in other words, 'a long time ago in a place far, far, away.'
- Plato even emphasizes the size of the continent, i.e. larger than both Libya and Asia put together, to make sure the reader new we were talking about a real whopper of a tale.
- Furthermore, Plato's Atlantis is described, in all the essentials, as a Greek city state as they looked during his lifetime. If the city had existed 9,000 years in the past, tremendous cultural differences would exist between Atlantis and Classical Greece (think for example of the vast differences between contemporary England and England under Roman occupation ca. 2,000 years ago).
- Finally, Plato alleges not just that Atlantis existed 9,000 years ago, but also that Athens also existed this far in the past as well. Despite more then a century of archaeological investigation and study of the Athenian acropolis, no evidence of a 9,000-year-old Athens has ever been found.
Ultimately, Plato's story of Atlantis was intended as a parable warning the citizens of Athens not to succumb to the dangers of hubris, a sense of overwhelming pride. As the rulers of a great empire and the children of Poseidon, the leaders of Atlantis saw themselves as better than their fellow human beings and even on par with the gods themselves. As a result of this vanity, the gods destroyed Atlantis forever sinking it beneath the ocean. The intent of this story for Plato's audience, the citizens of Athens, was crystal clear: one should live a humble and pious life always honoring the gods. As residents of an influential city in the Classical Greek world, the Athenians needed to hear this lesson.
Plato's moral parable remained little known outside of scholarly circles until 1882 when a former Minnesota Congressman, Ignatius Donnelley, published a book titled Atlantis: The Antediluvian World (1882). Donnelley had decided that Plato's Atlantis was not the moral parable that it appeared to be on the surface, but instead represented a hidden chapter in humanity’s ancient past representing the origin of all Western civilization. To prove his claim, Donnelley turned to the archaeological record. While Atlantis itself was beyond his reach beneath the Atlantic Ocean, he attempted to identify the refugees of the sunken city by looking for similarities in the archaeological record around the world.
The principle on which Donnelley was working has become known as diffusionism among archaeologists. Diffusionism is based on the idea that a particular technology (such as metallurgy) or a stylistic tradition (such as Doric columns) was developed first in one location and then later spread to neighboring regions due to the effectiveness of the technology or the popularity of the style. This is a reasonable explanation and it was widely used by archaeologists in the 19th and early 20th-century (Chapter #). However, Donnelley's application of the principle made heavy use of the pseudoarchaeology epistemology defined above. He prized singular data points while ignoring the larger context and any data points that did not support his argument.
Based on this approach, Donnelley argued that the archaeological remains of the ancient Egyptian and the ancient Maya cultures in particular showed so many similarities that the only possible explanation was that both cultures had fled Atlantis when it sank beneath the sea.
- Donnelley pointed to superficial similarities such as the fact that both cultures had writing systems and upright stone monuments to prove his point, while ignoring drastic differences in technology, style, language, political structure, and even chronology.
- Also, the Classic Maya cities hit their greatest florescence almost 1,000 years after the last Egyptian Pharaoh sat on his throne.
Despite the obvious problems with his argument, Donnelley's work found a notable popularity and succeeded in lodging the dream of Atlantis in the public consciousness. Two main reasons can be identified for Donnelley's success:
- While the existence of ancient Maya culture was widely known in the United States, thanks in large part to the popular travel narratives of diplomat John Stephens, very little was actually known about the Maya. Thus, when Donnelley compared the Egyptians to the Maya, very few people knew enough about the Maya to recognize whether the comparisons were valid.
- The archaeological work of his contemporary, Heinrich Schliemann in the 1870's, shortly before the publishing of Donnelley's book, Schliemann was widely hailed as the discoverer of the legendary city of Troy described in the epic poems of Homer.
Dazzled by the discovery of one legendary Greek city, why would the public not be easily swayed by claims of the discovery of a second? Yet despite their mutual origins in Greek literature, there are notable differences between Plato's philosophical dialogues and Homer's epic poems. Plato composed his dialogues with a deliberate intent to deliver a moral commentary on his own society, while Homer's poems represent the final written form of a centuries long oral history tradition very likely inspired by real events. In addition, Schliemann actually excavated an archaeological site; Donnelley's claims were based purely on speculation concocted from the chair in his office.
The longstanding popularity of Atlantis, however, lies in how Donnelley transformed Plato’s parable. Instead of serving as an example of tyranny and hubris, Donnelley’s Atlantis presented a source for the world’s ancient civilizations, a source not acknowledged by the emerging academic field of archaeology. Donnelly presents us with a classic example of an outsider who believes they alone have uncovered what the professionals have missed, but he was so consumed with proving his predetermined conclusion that he would accept anything as evidence of Atlantis. Rogue outsiders continue to dominate the hunt for Atlantis, and their “success” is trumpeted on infotainment documentaries and YouTube videos in an attempt to claim the establishment will not listen to their evidence. The quest to find Atlantis is less about archaeology and more about our desire to believe a loan outsider can upset centuries of academic research.
Ancient Alien Visitors
The pseudoarchaeological claims of ancient alien visitors have not endured the test of time in the same way as Plato's Atlantis, but, if possible, these claims have aroused even more ardent supporters. While this topic incorporates a variety of claims, the general argument is that alien beings visited our planet sometime in the ancient past and that the archaeological record includes evidence of these visits. Typically, the artifacts used to make these claims come from numerous time periods and cultures from all over the globe with little attention paid to their original context.
One of the most famous examples of this style of claim comes from the Classic Maya city of Palenque. Pseudoarchaeologists have argued that the carved relief found on the sarcophagus lid of K'inich Janaab' Pakal, one of the city's most influential rulers, represents a man flying a rocket ship. Yet, if we compare this image to other examples of contemporaneous Maya art, we find that elements found in the image are commonly used in other carvings and that this image depicts the ruler falling into the underworld (Schele & Miller, 1986). Thus, the mystery is easily solved by examining the complete context rather than looking at the image in isolation.

The story behind the claims of ancient alien visitors is a rather convoluted tale incorporating more than a few colorful characters. Far and away the most influential figure in this story is a man by the name of Erich von Däniken. Von Däniken skyrocketed to global fame when his book Chariots of the Gods? (1968) became an international publishing phenomenon. This book was written with an eye to raising curious questions about the ancient past of the human race, but only hinting at possible answers to those questions (thus offering von Däniken a neat escape route whenever cornered on a particular detail). Despite this evasive writing strategy, the central theme of his book is clear; von Däniken advocates that our planet was visited in the ancient past by alien astronauts and that these aliens influenced the development of our species, both culturally and biologically.
Today, most people are familiar with von Däniken's claims through the television show Ancient Aliens. One of the driving forces behind the television show is Giorgio Tsoukalos, better known as the ancient alien’s meme guy. Tsoukalos is a protégé of von Däniken and he proposed the initial season of Ancient Aliens in 2010 as an homage to his mentor. After the tremendous success of the first series, the show was renewed and began to incorporate yet more ancient alien claims.
The popularity of von Däniken's Chariots of the Gods? is relatively easy to understand when we consider that it was published in 1968 at the height of the Space Race. The public was never more interested in the stars above and the mysteries they might contain. Chariots of the Gods? brought the stars down to the earth, and von Däniken's books flew off the shelves. Yet we cannot explain the popularity of the Ancient Aliens television show in the same way as the original book; space is no longer quite so mysterious. To understand the popularity of ancient aliens today, we need to look at how this idea developed over time.
While von Däniken is easily the best-known author of ancient alien claims, he is far from the only proponent or even the originator of the idea. In fact, when writing Chariots of the Gods? he so egregiously copied from earlier pseudoarchaeology authors that he was sued for plagiarism. Close readings of von Däniken's book have found that he heavily relied on one source in particular, a book titled Moring of the Magicians by Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier (1960). Pauwels and Bergier, however, took a decidedly more spiritual approach to the subject. For them, ancient alien influence was more an issue of spiritualism than of rocket ships.
Pauwels and Bergier claimed their understanding of ancient alien spirits came in part from an obscure occult book known as “The Book of Dzyan.” In Moring of the Magicians, they wrote that "The Book of Dzyan speaks of 'superior beings of dazzling aspect' who abandoned the Earth, depriving the impure human race of its knowledge and effacing by disintegration all traces of their passage," (Pauwels & Bergier, 1960, pp. 154-155) Pauwels and Bergier interpreted these "superior beings" to be alien spirits who, before their sudden departure, had come to Earth to aid humanity's development. Notably, von Däniken also references “The Book of Dzyan,” describing it as an ancient Tibetan text many thousands of years old.
The existence of such an ancient text is intriguing, and one cannot be faulted for wondering what it might teach us about the human past, but what exactly is “The Book of Dzyan” and why is it not referenced by conventional archaeologists and historians?
The oldest known references to this text come from the esoteric book The Secret Doctrine written by Helena Blavatsky (1888). Blavatsky was born to an upper-class Russian family in 1831 and spent much of her youth traveling throughout Europe absorbing its rich cultural traditions. In the early 1870's, she immigrated to the United States where she subsequently founded the Theosophical Society. When formed the society’s goals were to investigate the “hidden mysteries of nature and the powers latent in the individual,” (Gomes, 2016, p. 250). The popularity of Theosophy quickly grew as the technological advances of the Industrial Revolution led many people to seek new ways to understand this complex world.
In The Secret Doctrine Blavatsky set out to explain her spiritual perspective, and in so doing she relied heavily on “The Book of Dzyan.” A large portion of The Secret Doctrine is taken up with translations and commentaries on the seven stanzas of “The Book of Dzyan.” In this process, Blavatsky revealed that alien spirits had been visiting our planet and influencing the development of humankind since our earliest days. In particular, she claimed these alien forces led humanity out of Atlantis and Lemuria (another questionable lost continent) and became the earliest rulers of ancient Egypt, the Maya, and other civilizations around the world.
There is, however, a significant problem with Blavatsky's treatment of this ancient text. To date, no one else has ever seen a copy of the book. Blavatsky claimed to have significant psychic abilities and appears to have gained access to this alleged manuscript by these means rather than possessing a physical copy.
We may ask then, how did this book of questionable origins end up as a significant source in Morning of the Magicians and in turn in von Däniken's work? For the answer to this question, we are indebted to the research carried out by Jason Colavito for his book The Cult of Alien Gods (2005). In his book, Colavito demonstrates a connection between “The Book of Dzyan,” the pulp fiction horror writer H.P. Lovecraft, and ancient alien theorists.
Lovecraft regularly incorporated elements from the real world into his stories to make them more realistic, and thus more frightening. In particular, he sought out elements from Theosophical beliefs and worked them into his stories as occult mysteries. Thus, we find the following in his story "The Diary of Alonzo Typer" written in 1938:
“The genesis of the world, and of previous worlds, unfolded itself before my eyes, I learned of the city of Shamballa, built by the Lemurians fifty million years ago, yet inviolate still behind its wall of psychic force in the eastern desert. I learned of the Book of Dzyan, whose first six chapters antedate the Earth, and which was old when the lords of Venus came through space in their ships to civilize our planet.”
It should be noted that Lovecraft was not a believer in the occult or ancient aliens for that matter. Lovecraft incorporated these elements into his stories as a deliberately ironic commentary on what he saw as the absurd things people would believe (Poole, 2016). Nevertheless, there exists today a subset of people who believe that Lovecraft was writing truth in the only way that he could, by disguising it as fiction. Among this group were the authors of Morning of the Magicians.
As Colavito uncovered, Pauwels and Bergier were directly responsible for the translation and publication of Lovecraft's work in France. They also went on to edit a journal devoted in equal parts to Theosophy and Lovecraft, blurring the lines between truth and fiction. Thus, we find a direct chain of thought connecting Blavatsky's alien spirits who visited Atlantis and von Däniken's alien astronauts recorded by “The Book of Dzyan.”
The story behind ancient alien contact is not one of archaeological evidence; it is a story of a counterculture movement seeking to find their own path by denying the mainstream. Blavatsky's Theosophical Society attracted members who felt lost in the industrialized world and wanted a connection with humanity's roots. Just as today, Ancient Aliens attracts a viewership of those who are dissatisfied with the narrative of human history found in dusty old textbooks. Truth be told, archaeologists in the past have done a poor job communicating the excitement of their discoveries. As a result, many members of the public have turned to more exciting narratives of ancient alien visitors. For this reason, and others, archaeologists today pay careful attention to the field of public archaeology.
The Importance of Understanding Pseudoarchaeology
The massive walls of the Inka fortress at Saksaywaman have been claimed to be the work of both Atlanteans and ancient alien visitors based on the simple assertion that the walls look too complicated for them to have been made by indigenous Inka stonemasons. Yet a review of the archaeological context shows that the Inka regularly and repeatedly built walls of similar composition. The success of pseudoarchaeology is not rooted in the persuasiveness of its evidence, but on a desire for those claims to be true, despite the evidence. The inhabitants of Kensington, Minnesota, want the runestone to be an authentic Viking artifact because it brings great pride of place to Kensington and its modern Nordic descendants. Similarly, pseudoarchaeologists who visit Saksaywaman want to see the glories of a bygone golden age or the mysteries of a denied history in the giant walls before them.
Yet we do not need Atlantis or aliens to accomplish this, the walls of Saksaywaman actually represent a bygone golden age and a denied history. The Inka Empire was a vast and powerful state that ruled over the Andean mountains of South America. The citizens of the empire created great works of art and architecture, built vast cities, and even made historical records using an intricate system of knots and string (Kolata, 2013). We tell school children today that the Inka Empire fell to the guns and steel swords of Francisco Pizarro and a few hundred Spanish soldiers, but this is far from what really happened.
Years before Pizarro landed on the coast of Peru, the entire region experienced a deadly wave of epidemic disease. The earliest European explorers brought both measles and smallpox to the Americas where populations had no inherited resistance to them. These diseases traveled faster than the Europeans themselves, and laid waste to the peoples of the Americas. It is estimated that as many as 60% of the people living in the Inka Empire died from disease, well before they even saw a European. As the epidemic spread, the emperor and his chosen successor both perished and the empire descended into civil war. Only after years of fighting did Pizarro arrive on the shores of Peru to find a once great empire reduced to approximately one-third of its original population and without an agreed upon ruler. Pizarro did not so much conquer the Inka Empire as witness its last dying breath.
Through archaeological research, the achievements of the Inka Empire and its people have been slowly pieced back together, recovering a legacy of human achievement that had been all but lost by introduced disease and colonial conquest. Yet even as those achievements are recovered, they are once again threatened as pseudoarchaeological claims attempt to give credit for the walls of Saksaywaman to someone else. Pseudoarchaeology represents a direct threat to archaeological heritage as it attempts to deny the remarkable achievements of humanity. In particular, a preponderance of pseudoarchaeological claims attempt to deny the achievements of indigenous peoples, thus racial prejudice clearly plays a role in these claims (Halmhofer, 2021). As such, we should not simply dismiss claims of ancient alien contact or Atlantean empires as preposterous but actively oppose them and speak out against them.
Pseudoarchaeology not only represents a threat to our collective heritage, but to our own skills as critical thinkers and observers of the world around us. The past presents real and veritable puzzles, all of which deserve to be examined, poked, and prodded from all directions. Archaeology is in desperate need of new thinkers who have not been steeped in decades of established tradition, but we cannot allow ourselves to be beguiled by the glamour of a pseudoarchaeological epistemology where we pick and choose the points of data that interest us while ignoring everything else. If we want to mitigate the effects of pseudoarchaeology we need to understand why people are attracted to these claims, only then can we begin to save the legacy of the stonemasons who built the walls of Saksaywaman.
Further Exploration
- Card, J. J., & Anderson, D. S. (Eds.). (2016). Lost City, Found Pyramid: Understanding Alternative archaeologies and Pseudoscientific Practices. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.
- Colavito, J. (2005). The Cult of Alien Gods: H. P. Lovecraft and Extraterrestrial Pop Culture. Amherst: Prometheus Books.
- Feder, K. L. (2019). Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology (10th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Halmhofer, S. (2021). Did Aliens Build the Pyramids? And Other Racist Theories. Retrieved from https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/pseudoarchaeology-racism/
- Kershaw, S. P. (2018). The Search for Atlantis: A History of Plato's Ideal State. New York: Pegasus Books.
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
David S. Anderson received his Ph.D. in Anthropology from Tulane University with a concentration on the archaeology of the ancient Maya. His fieldwork has focused on studying the development of Maya sociopolitical complexity and cultural institutions during the Preclassic period. This work has involved investigating the origins and growth of political power in a pre-state environment, as well as a critical examination of the role played by the Maya ballgame in development of community identity. When public interest grew around the Maya calendar in 2012, Anderson became increasingly involved in speaking out against false claims in archaeology. Today, his work examines the public perception of archaeology outside of academia by studying how the ancient world is depicted in pop culture and how popular audiences conceive of archaeology and archaeologists.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Vocabulary
Context: The location in which an archaeological artifact is found.
Diffusionism: An archaeological theory that sought to explain change in the archaeological record by ideas or technologies diffusing, or spreading, from a single point of origin.
Empirical: Data that can be counted, measured, and quantified.
Epistemology: A branch of philosophy dedicated to the study of knowledge, colloquially phrased as “how you know what you know.”
Pseudoarchaeology: Claims that misrepresent the nature of the archaeological record and archaeological methods in order to support predetermined conclusions.
References
Blavatsky, H. (1888). The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of Science, Religion, and Philosophy. New York: The Theosophical Publishing Company.
Colavito, J. (2005). The Cult of Alien Gods: H. P. Lovecraft and Extraterrestrial Pop Culture. Amherst: Prometheus Books.
Donnelly, I. (1882). Atlantis: The Antediluvian World. New York: Harper & Brothers.
Feder, K. L. (2019). Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology (10th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gomes, M. (2016). H.P. Blavatsky and Theosophy. In G. A. Magee (Ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Western Mysticism and Esotericism (pp. 248-259). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Halmhofer, S. (2021). Did Aliens Build the Pyramids? And Other Racist Theories. Retrieved from https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/pseudoarchaeology-racism/
Ingstad, H., & Ingstad, A. S. (2001). The Viking Discovery of America: The Excavation of a Norse Settlement in L'Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland. New York: Checkmark Books.
Kershaw, S. P. (2018). The Search for Atlantis: A History of Plato's Ideal State. New York: Pegasus Books.
Kolata, A. L. (2013). Ancient Inca. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Meltzer, D. J. (2021). First Peoples in a New World: Populating Ice Age America (Second ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Pauwels, L., & Bergier, J. (1960). The Morning of the Magicians: Secret Societies, Conspiracies, and Vanished Civilizations. Rochester: Destiny Books.
Poole, W. S. (2016). In the Mountains of Madness: The Life and Extraordianary Afterlife of H.P. Lovecraft. Berkley: Soft Skull Press.
Protzen, J.-P. (1993). Inca Architecture and Construction at Ollantaytambo. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Schele, L., & Miller, M. E. (1986). The Blood of Kings: Dynasty and Ritual in Maya Art. New York: George Braziller, Inc.
University, C. (2018). Paranormal America 2018: Chapman University Survey of American Fears. Retrieved from https://blogs.chapman.edu/wilkinson/2018/10/16/paranormal-america-2018/
von Däniken, E. (1968). Chariots of the Gods? New York: Bantam Books.
Williams, H. (2012). The Kensinton Runestone: Fact and Fiction. The Swedish-American Historical Quarterly, LXIII(1), 3-22.
Learning Objectives
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Describe the importance of public outreach in archaeology
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Identify methods of public outreach and suggest situations where specific methods may be better suited to a certain archaeological project
Introduction
Every time I tell someone new that I’m an archaeologist, I’m generally met with four different responses:
- “What’s your favorite dinosaur?”
- “A real-life Indiana Jones!”
- “Oh wow, you must find all sorts of cool treasures!”
- “I always wanted to be an archaeologist, but it just wasn’t feasible. I’d love to start the hobby when I retire though!”
These four responses tell me firstly that many people conflate archaeologists and paleontologists—leading to awkward laughing and my admitting that the only dinosaur I know of is the T-Rex. They also tell me that most of what people know about archaeology comes from popular media, namely the Indiana Jones franchise, which harps on this idea of “treasure” rather than cultural significance. This search for treasure then becomes more of a hobby rather than an actual profession, with people assuming archaeologists just dig around in remote areas of the world to find pretty items to line the shelves of museums and private collections with, or to sell. Indeed, shows like American Digger and Indiana Jones do much to emphasize the monetary benefits of artifacts (Pagán 2015), which can lead to the destruction and unlawful looting of archaeological sites. To summarize, it is rare that anyone knows what it is we as archaeologists actually do and how we impact their day-to-day lives with the important research we conduct.
The thing about archaeology is that, even if people don’t totally know what it is, they still tend to associate it as a “cool” profession—so cool, in fact, that it could be a hobby! That said, even if someone were interested enough to try to do their own research on archaeological discoveries, they would not be likely to understand what’s going on. Research papers use so much jargon that sometimes archaeologists with different specialties can’t understand a research article outside of their area of interest (Fagan 2010) so how could a lay person understand what’s going on? Public outreach in this regard becomes a means of translation; we need to communicate with the public in terms they understand because they want to learn, and if we don’t help them, then they either become discouraged and their interest wanes, or they misunderstand the research, which could lead to negative consequences (discussed in detail below).
Furthermore, people are interested in understanding their place in the world, and archaeology can provide them with some of that context. Evolution in particular gains much attraction from the public because people are in search of the healthiest ways to live their lives or are looking for excuses for poor behavior (i.e. violence, sexual aggression and promiscuity; see McCaughey 2008 or Zuk 2013). However, once they grab hold of something—like the Paleo-diet—they tend to run with it, ignoring the fact that science is fluid and discoveries are made every day. For example, although the Paleo-diet considers the ingestion of grain products blasphemous, there’s actually been recent evidence saying that hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic had been making bread-like products around 14,000 years ago (Zeldovich 2018). Unfortunately for me, the discovery came after I received my Paleo-cookbook for Christmas.
Even more unfortunate is the fact that most evolutionary scientists have done nothing to correct the misconceptions that are so vehemently being passed along; instead, they respond with disgust and condemnation, despite the fact that some practitioners actively reach out to scientists in an attempt to better understand their food practices and make sure they’re being scientifically up-to-date (Chang and Nowell: 2016). Robb Wolf, a prominent member of the Paleo-diet community, has lamented on this very response from anthropologists: “What I have sensed from the anthropology community is an almost… annoyance that upstarts from outside that Guild have the temerity to talk about this stuff and try to apply it in an actionable way… If I could wave a magic wand I’d hope for a bit less prickliness on the part of the medical anthropology community on this topic… If we could get them to understand just how important their understanding of the past is, we might have a much better future’” (Chang and Nowell: 2016: 230).
The thing is, anthropologists know their understanding of the past is important—so why aren’t we leaning into that, especially when others see our studies’ worth? People are interested in what we as archaeologists do and study and it is our obligation to engage them in our work, especially when they reach out to us.
While misconceptions about the field of archaeology and archaeological discoveries themselves are primarily fueled by the media, archaeologists aren’t helping matters. How is anyone outside of the field supposed to know what we do if we do not tell them, much less in language they can understand? It’s necessary that archaeologists begin rigorous public outreach to correct these misinterpretations of our field. In this chapter, I will define public outreach, provide examples of how archaeologists practice public outreach, and explain why it’s important and needs to be done.
Some Considerations
There are many ethical considerations to keep in mind when creating outreach materials—you want to make sure you’re doing things in a “good way.” That being said, I’m going to tell you about what I consider to be two of the most important considerations:
- Keep sensitive cultural material hidden
- You may receive personal anecdotes from community members that you work with, and while they do add a human touch to the “story” you’re trying to tell, they may be too personally or culturally sensitive to share with a wider audience. To accurately deduce what is or is not appropriate to share, collaborate closely with the local community to get their feedback.
- Focusing too heavily on material culture rather than the people who created/used it.
- By focusing solely on the material culture of a site to explain the past, one disconnects the artifacts and the community’s “relationship to their broader environment” (Budwha and Mccreary 2013: 196).
- You risk creating a “spectacle” (Simpson 2011). Reducing people to their material culture relegates the ancestors to the past rather than acknowledging their active participation in the world today. These material objects then act as the face of those who settled there and risk being sensationalized to the extent that they become “native-art-as-usual” (Townsend Gault 2011). Sensationalized objects become static symbols of the past.
Bottom line: Be respectful in what you say, how you say/portray it and collaborate when possible!
The Society for American Archaeology does not have any one definition for public outreach, but rather recognizes it as a collection of methods archaeologists use to engage the public in archaeological research as well as general public awareness ("What Is Public Archaeology?"). Public archaeology can be used synonymously with public outreach.
Public archaeology is often viewed as a subfield of archaeology. However, public outreach in some form or another informs and underlies all archaeology, whether it be in terms of where one’s funding resources come from, where and how one is expected to conduct their fieldwork, how to manage the cultural site, how to treat the archaeological finds, or what kinds of impacts the archaeological research generates (Matsuda 2016:41). All of these instances require communication with some sort of outside source. This means that public outreach can take place before, during, and after the archaeological research is done. Community members can help inform the objectives of an archaeological research project, assist in the actual excavation process beginning as soon as the survey and as late as cleaning and labeling the artifacts, or can be a part of a post-research activity or lecture presented by the researchers. Public outreach can also take place outside of the confines of a particular research project and instead focus on the general understanding of archaeology through hands-on activities in schools or community events. In essence, archaeological public outreach can occur anytime and anywhere in any number of formats.
Public archaeology was once understood to be a means of applying archaeology to the real world via cultural resource management (CRM), contract archaeology, public education, historic preservation, and museology (White et al. 2004). Now there are four different approaches to public archaeology that have been identified:
The educational and public relations approaches are more practice-based, whereas the pluralist and critical approaches are more theoretical.

In particular, the educational approach aims to facilitate people’s learning of the past via archaeological thinking and methods. Archaeological education can occur both on and off-site. Some organizations, like the City of Alexandria’s Archaeology Museum, offer public dig days, in which members of the community can come and participate in an ongoing excavation (White 2019: 37), thus getting hands-on experience in archaeological thinking and methods. For years, the State University of New York at Binghamton’s Undergraduate Anthropology Organization would visit a local elementary school with boxes full of “treasure” strewn in stratified soil, sand, and pebbles, and teach them how to excavate and interpret their findings. These physical experiences not only create strong memories, but also “improves concentration, increases student engagement, and makes learning (and teaching) fun” (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019: 50).
The public relations approach works “to increase the recognition, popularity, and support of archaeology in contemporary society” by forming connections between archaeology and individuals and/or social groups (Matsuda 2016: 41-42). This approach parallels the push for archaeological stewardship where the wider community participates in the knowledge production, protection, and reverence of a site, not just archaeologists. Public relations foster stronger connections and responsibility towards sites and knowledge of the past. True knowledge production requires one to ask questions and interpret the evidence beyond uncovering artifacts at a public dig. For example, Science and Social Studies Adventures (SASSA), an organization that “bring[s] archaeology to the classrooms… in order to enhance science and social studies lessons…” took both physics and social studies students to a field that was planned to become a park. The students were taught how to use ground-penetrating radar (GPR) technology to map out the underground features of the property to determine whether or not an excavation would be necessary (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019). In this instance, they not only got the hands-on experience of mapping an area with GPR, but also participated in the knowledge production by interpreting that map and determining the future of the site; they now have a sense of responsibility over something tangible and relevant to their community. Similarly, though off-site, Nina Simon of the OF/BY/FOR ALL project encourages participating museums to actively engage their communities in project and exhibit designs to better cater and connect to the wider community (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021), while at the same time fostering a sense of responsibility and pride of the past.
The educational and public relations approaches have long been established in archaeology; however, the focus on the pluralist and critical approaches only began to gain traction after the 1990s (Matsuda 2016:42).
The pluralist approach attempts to understand different types of relationships between material culture and different members of the public, which essentially means understanding who your public is and where they’re ideologically coming from (Matsuda 2016:42). Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer (2021) have taken a pluralist approach to museum visitors. One German study revealed that museum-goers tend to be highly educated, possess high cultural capital, are satisfied with life, and are open to new experiences (Kluge and Pinsker 2021). Closer to home, the American Alliance of Museums (AAM) found that only 9% of museum visitors are from minority populations (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). Furthermore, the AAM’s 2010 demographic study revealed a number of barriers for African American and Latino visitors: historically, museums feel intimidating and exclusionary; the feeling that museums require specialized knowledge and cultivated esthetic taste; a lack of museum-going in one’s childhood; and social networks influence whether or not one chooses museums as a leisure activity (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). With this understanding of how people relate to the past in this particular setting (i.e., museums), cultural institutions can better cater to a wider audience. Specifically, they can choose communication methods more often used by their target audience, offer content that the wider community (especially minority populations) can connect with, provide a welcoming atmosphere, and ensure visually and physically comfortable and pleasing spaces (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021).
Finally, the critical approach works to unsettle the interpretation of the past as told by socially dominant groups, who typically have ulterior motives that socially subjugate another group by distorting the telling of the past (Matsuda 2016:42). Evolutionary anthropology has largely taken a critical approach since the end of World War II, when it finally became clear that the scientific support of the social construction of race was detrimental to millions of lives. Until then, it was posited by scientists and laypeople alike that race was a biological fact, and one’s intelligence, capabilities, and worth were determined by their race. Now we know that the variation in human skin color is nothing more than a reflection of millions of years adaptation to changing environments (Echo-Hawk and Zimmerman 2006:471). To totally unsettle the interpretation of an evolutionary past in which it was white people who first settled Europe, a study published in 2007 found that the gene associated with light skin didn’t evolve until 12,000-6,000 years ago (Gibbons 2007: 364; see also Brace et al. 2018 for information on what the first Britons looked like according to “white-hating lefties” [Admin 2018] and Hendrick 2021 for more information on unsettling people’s evolutionary assumptions on race).Both the pluralist and critical approaches view “the public as a subject, which has its own agency and interacts with the past according to its beliefs, interests, and agendas” (Matsuda 2016: 43). These changes are still new for a field rooted in colonialism, so we’re still learning how to effectively conduct public archaeology and outreach.
Community Archaeology
In a general sense, “community archaeology” is the term we use to describe the active participation of non-archaeologists in the archaeological research process, as described above. Ideally, community archaeology includes seven components with which the community is involved in: devising research questions or areas of interest, “setting up a project, field practices, data collection, analysis, storage and dissemination, and public presentation” (Marshall 2002: 211). This means that the community has some level of control of the project at each step (Marshall 2002:212). Arguably one of the most important aspects of community archaeology is that the management of the cultural heritage remains with the community and that research findings are publicly presented (i.e., public outreach is a necessity!) (Marshall 2002:215). Allowing communities to make critical decisions about the direction and implementation of research may seem like a terrifying loss to archaeologists, but it really provides a depth to the research that would’ve otherwise been impossible to achieve (Marshall 2002: 218).
By this point you’re probably wondering who this elusive “community” is. Two types of community tend to show up for these kinds of projects, and often at the same time: people who live locally, either close to or directly at the site, as well as descendants (people who trace their descent from the people who once lived at or near the site in question).
To see community archaeology in action, let’s take a look at Ozette, a late prehistoric/early whaling village at Neah Bay in Washington State (Marshall 2002: 212-213). A mudslide in 1970 exposed substantial house timbers among other organic artifacts (which you may or may not know is absolutely incredible considering organic artifacts typically decompose). This prompted the Makah Tribal Council to contact an archaeologist, and together they set in motion a huge excavation program from 1970 through 1981. The Makah community provided direction throughout the whole project and opened the site to visitors; up to 60,000 people visited each year. Excavated materials were stored and displayed by the Makah community at the newly created Makah Cultural Research Center and a host of publications concerning the site were published. The close collaboration between the archaeologists and Makah residents, the control maintained by Makah people over the project, the retention of the excavated materials by the Makah community for the purposes of preservation, storage, and display, as well as the extensive publications about the site “are very much the goals of community archaeology” (Marshall 2002: 213).
Why Is Public Outreach Important?
The fact is, archaeological sites around the world are in danger. This is important because cultural patrimony (the ongoing cultural importance of an artifact) and heritage tell us who we are and where we come from, which consequently affects our world views and how we act, thus impacting both our present and future.
With a decrease in natural resources, scientists are increasingly looking towards the ocean for the mining of precious and non-precious metals, aggregates extraction, marine engineering, and the production of marine-zone nonrenewable energy, all putting underwater archaeological sites at risk of destruction (Flatman 2009). On the coasts, archaeological sites are threatened by rising sea levels and increasingly powerful storms caused by global warming, among other anthropogenic transformations such as development, mining, and dredging (Fitzpatrick and Braje 2019). War zones see particularly copious amounts of destruction to cultural heritage, either through the creation of defense mechanisms such as trenches, through bombing, or through the intentional destruction of cultural items in an attempt to wipe away one’s nascent culture. Two of the most prominent examples are the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Approximately 2500 objects and sculptures were destroyed, defaced, or stolen from the National Museum of Afghanistan between the years of 1996 and 2001. In Iraq, military bases were established at Babylon and near Ur of the Chaldees, leading to the damage of the archaeological record by way of trench digging, imported gravel, and fuel spills. There was also rampant looting in Iraq (Cunliffe and Curtis 2011).
While it doesn’t get much popular press, national and international cultural sites also face threats due to political decisions. President Trump, recognizing the importance of cultural sites, threatened to bomb 52 Iranian cultural sites “VERY FAST AND VERY HARD” as retribution for 52 American hostages that were taken years prior (Jacobson 2020). In 2017, Trump repealed massive amounts of land in Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears National Monuments that had previously been protected by the Antiquities Act (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This action puts at risk 100,000 archaeological and cultural sites in Bears Ears National Monument alone, including Cedar Mesa which has one of the highest densities of cultural sites in America at several hundred sites per square mile, all to make way for coal mining, irresponsible and damaging motorized recreation, uranium mining, and oil and gas leasing (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This is devastating for the local Native American tribes—including the Hopi tribe, Navajo Nation, Pueblo of Zuni, Ute Indian Tribe, and Ute Mountain Ute tribe—whose ancestral material culture, that provides grounding and pride in their ancestors, is deemed “not unique” or “not of significant scientific or historic interest” and thus disposable by the president (Biber et al 2017). On October 8. 2021, President Biden restored the original boundaries for Bears Ears and interagency planning with tribal input is underway to manage and protect that important landscape.
Unfortunately, there are many more threats and sites at risk than here mentioned.
The loss of archaeological sites can cause irreparable damage to communities around the world and thus needs to be stopped. Without archaeological sites, oppressed peoples can be disenfranchised of their history and culture; history can be rewritten by the victor with no one the wiser; and we may never know the truth of where we come from, which could negatively impact the way we think about ourselves (i.e., we may feel we were predestined to live this way, when what evolutionary archaeology shows us so far is that there is no one way to be human). There are many other reasons why archaeology—or the loss thereof—can damage communities. To exemplify the importance of archaeology generally and thus the need for public outreach, I will provide some instances in which (the public communication of) archaeology can widely impact different communities. I discuss how learning from our past, telling stories, and correcting harmful narratives all contribute to the communities where archaeologists conduct their work.
Learn from Our Past
We can learn a surprising amount about humans’ past actions that can help inform how we behave today. In particular, we can look to the past to determine how to create a sustainable future. Between 1987 and 1995 archaeologists of the Garbage Project at the University of Arizona systematically excavated fifteen landfills across North America, in which they found that dating as far back as the 1950s, paper occupied the most landfill space because it was biodegrading very slowly, contrary to what people had once believed (Rathje 2008: 37). Shortly after the excavation reports came out, governments and individual communities began pushing for the curbside recycling that we have come to know and love (Rathje 2008: 37), and now we have any number of recycled paper products at our disposal.
In August 2020, NPR posted an article entitled, “To Manage Wildfire, California Looks to What Tribes Have Known All Along” (Sommer 2020). This article explains how the banning of local Native Americans’ controlled burning practices has led to increased vegetation, which dries out every summer and acts as the kindling for the state’s notorious fires. The state government has recently come to trust in the oral histories of the local tribes and the archaeological record, which argue that the controlled burning of the past had actually been a successful mode of wildfire risk management. According to archaeological finds, controlled burning has been occurring over a vast amount of time and space (Bowman 1998; Heckenberger et al. 2007; Mason 2000). The extent of this evidence provides us with a feasible path forward as we try to reconcile the damage we have since caused through global warming.
Share Untold Stories
Archaeology has a long history of focusing on the stories of rich, able-bodied white men in their prime. This means that the long and equally important histories of ethnic, gendered, and aged minorities are being left out of the stories we tell about the past. This is problematic, because the exclusion of one’s past can lead to subjugation by a dominant group, who often touts their successful past. However, archaeology can also be useful at challenging these problematic assumptions.
Let’s think about the Man the Hunter model of human evolution—you probably envision men running toward a mammoth with their spears held high, ready for another successful kill, but what do you know about women in the Paleolithic? Probably not much. You probably imagine that women just stayed home with their babies and hoped a cave lion wouldn’t come kill them while their big and strong husbands were off catching dinner. Note that I say imagine, because women’s roles are often entirely left out of the story.
Instead, the first anatomically modern humans are often spoken about in the context of their subsistence activities, which are all attributed to men’s behaviors; thus men are the only actors we really hear about in the Paleolithic. Do you know how we can tell it was men who did all of those activities? Well, we actually can’t tell that at all. In the advent of Paleolithic research, archaeologists of the time were just copy-and-pasting our modern-day gender roles to the past. As of yet there is little theory to actually determine the extent of the gender roles in the deep past (Conkey and Spector 1984).
However, recent research suggests that women were actively hunting, at least in Peru 9,000 years ago (Wei-Haas 2020). Archaeologists came across a burial in the Andes mountains in which the skeletal remains were accompanied by an extensive kit of 24 tools for big game hunting. The archaeologists at the time assumed that the remains were those of an important male hunter. However, upon further analysis, the remains were shown to be biologically female. This spurred the reevaluation of a number of similar burials throughout the Americas and it turns out that between 30% and 50% of the big game hunters—as interpreted by grave goods—were biologically female. By ignoring women’s roles in the past, we risk perpetuating an imagining of men as the drivers of human evolution and success and women as only good for their birthing capabilities. Sharing the stories of this oft-forgotten sect of society could do much to waylay some of the poor excuses people make today in regards to sexism and gender roles.
Dr. Diane Wallman of the University of South Florida has worked on a public archaeology project at the Gamble Plantation Historic Site. Originally established as a sugar plantation by Robert H. Gamble in the mid-19th century, the property was later inhabited by the Confederate Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, and later an attorney. Although there is clear reverence for the confederate officer, as shown by the large memorial erected in his name, Dr. Wallman is actually interested in exploring the lives of the enslaved laborers who lived and worked on this plantation, and whose stories have not been given the recognition or reverence they deserve. To share these stories, Dr. Wallman has given public lectures (e.g., AIA Event Listings 2019) and provided her expertise as a guest on podcasts (e.g., Anthro Alert 2017). Additionally, the excavations are exclusively during archaeological field schools, and the site is open to the public to participate in the dig. One of Dr. Wallman’s Master's students in 2019 collected information from archives, remote sensing, and archaeological investigation to understand the lives of enslaved peoples on this plantation with the goal of engaging descendant communities in particular in future archaeological research on the site (Litteral 2019).
In this sense, the portrayal of stories often left untold can help generate pride in one’s people. If your peoples’ life stories are continually being ignored and at times discredited, then archaeology that gives those underrepresented groups a tangible connection with their ancestors can go a long way toward building pride in one’s community. Getting that message outside of the descendant community can go even further in making others recognize and value the importance of the minority heritage as well.
Correct Harmful Narratives
Archaeology has unfortunately perpetuated many negative narratives on its own. However, the public also communicates harmful narratives of our pasts. Harmful narratives refer to stories that are told and are argued to be based on science, typically about a minority and how/why they are subjugated or why people act a certain way. Luckily, new archaeological research or the reevaluation of current archaeological research, can work to correct these harmful narratives. Getting these corrected stories out to the public can then begin to make real change in the way people conceptualize themselves and their place in the world.
Based on my research, people have gathered from popular media and their own life experiences that violence is an inherent human trait. Furthermore, violence is seen as the driving factor of our species’ evolution: if it hadn’t been for our penchant for violence we would not have been able to compete with other groups or animals, nor would we have been able to outlive the Neanderthals. Despite the fact that most people now have 1% to 4% Neanderthal DNA (Green et al. 2010), which means there had to be a relatively high amount of Neanderthal/anatomically Modern Human sexual relations that far back, all of my interview participants were extremely confident in stating that we humans would have met Neanderthals with nothing but violence. The inherent and long-lasting evolutionary trait of violence provides justification for wars and senseless acts. However, there is very little evidence of violence in the deep past, which means people are making assumptions about the deep past based on their lived experience and the research on the topic is not being adequately shared with the public.
Another example includes the multitude of pseudoarchaeological claims that now exist, namely shows such as Ancient Aliens and In Search of Aliens. These shows primarily explain why it was in no way possible for Indigenous communities to have built such incredible structures so far back in time, and conclude that these structures and the cultures surrounding them must have been created by aliens. Whether or not it is the hosts’ intent, these messages work to portray indigenous communities as technologically and socially inferior. Public outreach on how incredible these Indigenous communities really are by means of the archaeological evidence we have for their agency—as opposed to alien interference—could go a long way to prove that not only aliens and white Europeans have intelligence and civilization.
Improve Quality of Archaeological Research
In order to even begin conducting research, archaeologists need to get funding. In my experience, archaeology departments are often bereft of their own internal funding, meaning individual researchers need to look elsewhere. If the funding sources and the public are unfamiliar with your field or your work, they are unlikely to deem it important enough to give funds to when there are more pressing projects with more evident real-world impacts. It is necessary to write funding requests in such a way that the reader can understand your project, because they won’t necessarily have an archaeological background. That being said, it’s all about knowing how to write for a particular audience. In addition to grants, funding or volunteer labor may come from community organizations, so it is important to reach out to local communities and get them excited about your project as well. In addition to funding, strong community relations can provide one’s project with input on how the project should be carried out or what research questions may be important to explore. Community relations are especially important for projects occurring on the land of the descendant community for this reason.
Archaeologists are by nature specialized—you have lithics specialists, pottery specialists, biological archaeologists, zooarchaeologists, etc. We are a field that inherently has to draw on numerous other specialists and fields to get a full picture of what a site is telling us. For example, we draw on the expertise of chemists, geologists, geneticists, geographers, and botanists, among many others (Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019). By communicating with an audience wider than those who read archaeological journals or attend archaeological conferences, we begin to build teams of varied researchers who can all learn and benefit from each other.
I have showed how public outreach isn’t only important for educating the public, but also for how it improves the quality of the archaeological research itself, by making it easier to get funding and collaborate with people from other disciplines. The following sections describe the methods used by archaeologists to reach the public.
Methods of Public Outreach
In today’s world, there are an infinite number of ways archaeologists can engage with the public. These methods can be divided into three different categories: traditional media (print, audio, and visual forms), online digital content, and interpersonal or interactive learning experiences (Erdman 2019). While the options for communication may be endless, it’s important to keep in mind what kind of demographic you’re attempting to reach when you’re choosing which method of communication is best suited to your project. Furthermore, each of these broad categories of communication have different levels of accuracy, access, and effectiveness that need to be taken into account when planning your public outreach. In this section, I will explain some of the particular communicative avenues one could take within each broad communication method, as well as provide some considerations, limitations, and benefits.
Traditional Media
Print media, including books, newspapers, and magazines, have historically been the primary means of scientific communication (Harding 2007: 120) and are often viewed as the most credible forms of scientific communication because of the rigorous editing and peer-review process that they often go through (Erdman 2019: 5). Indeed, my own ethnographic research on this topic has shown that my survey participants considered books to be their most valued source of scientific information (Hendrick 2021). However, our understanding of the past is continually changing, thus outdating these supposedly accurate sources (Erdman 2019: 5). More and more researchers’ work is being digitized or published in online journals. At this time, many of the journals are kept behind steep paywalls, making the likelihood of a merely curious lay-person reading it less realistic—who wants to pay to wade through jargon that they might not even understand? There seems to be an uptick in researchers who are interested in widely disseminating their research and there are now websites such as Academia.edu and ResearchGate that make journal articles much more accessible (Erdman 2019); however, there is still the issue of archaeological jargon.
Each form of print publication serves a different level of insight. For example, “A short newspaper article offers highlights; a magazine…offers a more contextualized account of a site, artifact, or culture; and a book or professional journal may address a specific topic more in-depth” (Erdman 2019: 6). The benefit of this is that there is a means of print communication that will fit everyone’s pace and depth of interest and they will likely provide additional resources for the especially curious reader to pursue if they so desire.
Examples of archaeology in print media
- Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology by Kenneth Feder
- Sapiens by Yuval Noah Harari (This is a good example of how popular books with archaeology can be, but it is poor science)
- Paleofantasy: What Evolution Really Tells Us About Sex, Diet, and How We Live by Marlene Zuk
Television has been argued to represent a depiction of “the truth” and thus works to mold people’s perceptions of the world (Pagán 2015: 16), making it an effective format for educational purposes. Part of the audio/visual success in regards to perception molding is because seeing is believing: visual representations offer a physical point of reference for the audience, which makes it easier to understand and connect with the material rather than having to parse through abstract written word (Erdman 2019: 7). Indeed, it’s been shown that audio-visual materials (such as film/television clips and song or speech clips) are effective learning devices and that students are increasingly becoming visual learners (Hoover 2006).
Television shows get much higher viewership than do print materials, so educational television shows would reach a far larger audience than any one book may (Pagán 2015). With an abundance of streaming services online—such as Hulu, Netflix, and Amazon Prime—television is more widely accessible than ever before (so long as you have Internet access and another $10 or so to spend each month). The downside to this is that there are many other shows available as well, which means someone would likely have to be actively seeking out educational television to happen upon an archaeology program.
Audio and visual media—such as radio, podcasts, film, and television—have a varying level of accuracy, and one is equally likely to encounter an educational show as they are a fantastical, sensationalized account that only uses archeology as a starting point for their fantasy (Erdman 2019:6). Although television used to be a popular location for widespread science communication, television producers today consider lecture series and more educational television to be too dry for their audiences (Harding 2007: 120). Among archaeologists, the typical treatments of archaeological finds and sites are arguably dry and unexciting, which leads news editors and television producers to insist on packaging the hard archaeological facts in sensationalism, catchy headlines, and “halo[s] of soft focus images [and] music” (Harding 2007: 124). However, this type of sensationalism can result in misunderstandings, misrepresentations of the data, or contribute to common tropes, as the stories that get picked up by these mediums tend to revolve around “sexy” topics like sex and drugs. This is not to say that good educational television does not exist; indeed, shows like PBS’ NOVA typically feature engaging stories on recent archaeological discoveries, yet people tend to be more familiar with Ancient Aliens than NOVA. This makes the explosion of archaeological podcasts by archaeologists that much more important; archaeologists are turning dry and unexciting information into funny and/or thought-provoking conversations that cater to both novices and professionals alike. Although these podcasts face the same caveat as television shows, in that one likely has to seek out this kind of educational topic, it is encouraging to see archaeologists in all stages of their careers utilizing this increasingly popular medium.
Examples of podcasts
- ArchaeoEd (Archaeologist Dr. Ed Barnhart talks about ancient civilizations in the Americas)
- The Dirt (method, theory, and thematic episodes with humor; appropriate for non-archaeologists and archaeologists alike)
- Ologies (this covers all sorts of science, but there are a number of archaeological/anthropological related episodes; the premise is “asking smart people stupid questions,” so no previous knowledge needed here)
Hard Archaeological Fiction
The primary setbacks of traditional media revolve around the difficult language and dry presentation. For this reason, I (Hendrick 2016, 2021) and many other scholars (e.g., Terrell 1990; Spector 1991, 1993; Fagan 2010; Holtorf 2010; Mickel 2012; ) have argued for an increase in “hard” archaeological fiction (Messenger 2019), which is fiction based on archaeological data. With over 45 million copies sold worldwide by 2010 (Auel 2010), perhaps one of the most popular examples of hard archaeological fiction is Jean Auel’s account of human life in the Paleolithic: The Earth’s Children series, the first novel of which is Clan of the Cave Bear. Auel did an incredible amount of research on life in the Paleolithic and based two of her main characters, Iza and Creb, on Neanderthal remains found in the archaeological cave site known as Shanidar (Auel 2010). While Auel may have overstepped her creative boundaries in terms of gender relations, which have resulted in negative stereotypes (see Hendrick 2021), she imagined what no other scholar was willing to consider at the time: that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans procreated. Eventually it came to light that yes, the two groups of Homo sapiens had indeed mated. Auel’s creative imagination was able to conjure up images of the past which we had not yet begun to think of, a skill that is especially important for archaeologists to hone if they are to accurately portray the past. By that I mean, we actually have very little idea about what exactly the past—especially that long ago—looked like in terms of social organization, but we can be sure that it wasn’t necessarily a mirror image of our own society. Thus, we must use our imaginations to envision worlds that are vastly different from our own.
In essence, fiction is a method of escaping our biases. According to Wiley (1981) as cited by Conkey and Spector (1984:21), it is not the fragmentary and often “invisible” nature of archaeological data that hinders our knowledge of the past, but rather our epistemologies. Therefore, the use of imagination or fiction is not only a valuable methodological skill for archaeologists to practice, but it is a much more interesting and accessible format of archaeological data dissemination than traditional archaeological writing. Additionally, fiction communicates to the reader that archaeological interpretations are fluid, by which I mean they change based on emerging discoveries, theories, and interpretations, which subsequently changes the story. One of the main difficulties in disseminating scientific knowledge is that public broadcasts typically ignore the fact that science is wrapped up in “ifs” and “buts,” either imparting a misrepresentation of the research by making the data sound definitive and/or leaving the public to mistrust scientists when their findings end up changing down the road (Harding 2007). The presence of diverse hard archaeological fiction will emulate the varying archaeological interpretations and “ifs” and “buts” that permeate archaeological literature. Hard archaeological fiction also works to promote cross-cultural empathy and an appreciation for the work archaeologists do (Messenger 2019).
Examples of hard evolutionary fiction (different stories = different archaeological interpretations)
- Clan of the Cave Bear by Jean Auel
- Reindeer Moon by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas
- The Inheritors by William Golding
- Dance of the Tiger by Björn Kurtén
Online Digital Content
Digital content refers to content designed specifically for the Internet. However, it uses elements of traditional media, and thus has the same benefits/drawbacks. One of the biggest benefits of online digital content in particular is that it “bring[s] the world of higher education to people who could not otherwise access it” (Harding 2007: 121). This does not only include the level of information one can find on the Internet, but also the fact that you can learn about people and places all over the world as opposed to the local contexts that one is often taught in school and in museums. Even better, it’s up-to-date research and ideas, because the information in the digital content can easily be fixed or asked and answered immediately in online forums and webinars (Erdman 2019). This opens up a lot more opportunity for direct engagement with a larger audience.
Social media is an excellent tool to educate people by sharing the process of a research project in real time as well as to spread the word about upcoming in-person outreach events or exciting sites to visit. Twitter provides much public engagement with the topic of archaeology because hashtags make it easy to follow a general topic and it’s widely used to get up-to-date news by following a variety of users (Huvila 2013). Facebook is more oriented towards a social group, so you have to be friends with someone to get updates on what they post, and archaeological-related posts are only featured on someone’s newsfeed if they’re a part of one of those groups or pages or are friends with someone who is (Huvila 2013). This means engagement with archaeology on Facebook is relatively limited.
Two major problems of digital content are the unlimited resources and access to the Internet. With so many different blogs, websites, articles, and social media platforms, you have to actively search for information on a particular subject and then put the effort into doing a credibility check. Additionally, there are still many who cannot access digital content due to the lack of a computer or reliable Internet, a problem that many schools and families had to cope with when schools went online during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Examples of online digital content
- Sapiens- online anthropology magazine
- Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian National Museum of History- everything from human evolution basics to lesson plans
- Bones, Stones, and Books – blog by Stefanie Halmhofer on the reality of practicing archaeology, advice for students, and pseudoarchaeology
Interpersonal/Interactive Learning
One of the best ways to engage the public in archaeological discourse is via community involvement, because it provides a tangible link to the past (Erdman 2019) and a place in the knowledge production process; the subsequent claim of ownership over that knowledge can arouse further interest in the topic as well as foster a reverence for historical preservation (Harding 2007). It also makes the field more “real;” most people don’t know what archaeology is, much less know an archaeologist. By getting to physically engage with an archaeologist, the field becomes legitimized because it can coincide with personal experience. In essence, community involvement is any kind of direct interaction with non-specialists, such as through community archaeology projects, museum and outreach programs, public lectures, and getting involved with a school (Erdman 2019). An example of interactive learning was the Passport in Time program, in which the US Forest Service enlists the help of non-specialist volunteers to do a number of cultural heritage management activities at sites on public land across the country, including survey and excavation, restoration, archival research, oral history gathering, and more (Clearinghouse). Professional archaeologists, historians, and preservationists act as the volunteers’ hosts, guides, and coworkers during the experience. This form of active learning ensures that accurate and contemporary information is being shared. Unfortunately, it was discontinued in 2024 after a 20 year run.
Many interpersonal/interactive learning opportunities involve being somewhere in-person, which means they’re primarily in local contexts. That is to say, not everywhere has an archaeologist, museum, or university to conduct these programs, and traveling to attend them in other towns or cities isn’t accessible to everyone (Erdman 2019). So while these programs have an amazing impact on those lucky enough to participate, your information reaches a limited number of people.
The Bottom Line
No matter the format, you need to create a story. People are more engaged in archaeological information if it is easy to follow and is relatable. Making the information relatable is by far the biggest tip I can give you. People do better when human case studies are used (Pobiner 2021), which means you need to bring the human into any discussion of material culture. This can be accomplished in a hard-archaeological vignette (Spector 1991) or by bringing the human of archaeology to the forefront of the science by making the archaeologist the main character—take non-specialists on the discovery and interpretation process with you. Each method—traditional media, online digital content, and interpersonal/interactive learning—has its pros and cons and each needs to be tailored to a particular audience, however the benefits of using a story format to engage non-specialists is a skill that benefits each of these approaches.
Creating an Outreach Project
Ask yourself the following questions to figure out where you should even begin with an outreach project. Once you decide whether you want to write a book, star in a television show, start a Twitter account, or invite the local third graders to come dig at your archaeological site, take the creative reins and figure out what exactly that book will say, show will look like, or lessons will be taught.
What's the Goal?
Refer back to the reasons why we do (public) archaeology in the first place and find the one that identifies best with your site. Your site includes not only the physical place, but what the data tells you (does it contradict a long-held belief? Does it tell us something about sustainability?) and what the descendant community wants (do they want this knowledge shared widely or do they want it within the community?). You also need to consider how many people you want to reach with your project.
What Are My Strengths?
Are you a computer geek? Start a website or build a videogame! Are you good at creative writing? Write hard archaeological fiction! Are you good at public speaking? Do a lecture series! Whatever it is you’re good at, incorporate it into your project. That’s not to say that you can’t learn how to use a new technology or gain a new skill, it just depends on your willingness to learn those things and what your timeline looks like.
Who Do I Know?
For interpersonal/interactive learning, you’ll likely have to team up with another organization, however it’s much easier to get a project off the ground if you reach out to an individual rather than the organization as a whole (White 2019; Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019; Reetz, Haury-Artz, and Gorsch 2019). For example, ask a teacher if they want to participate in an archaeology-related activity rather than the principal because most teachers don’t have a background in archaeology and may feel too overwhelmed or have too little free time to learn enough to be confident in teaching it. It’s essential to find someone who’s as jazzed about this fun learning experience as you are.
Who Is Your Audience?
This first affects your language. Never involve jargon, unless explained properly and in an easy-to-understand manner. You also want to make sure to keep your language age-appropriate. Check out the Gunning Fog Index for more information on how to check the readability of your work (this means how many years of education someone would need to know what you’re saying). The size of your audience will also affect your outreach project, as explained above.
What if I Want to Learn, Not Create?
Maybe communicating archaeology isn’t your jam; maybe you’re interested in learning about it, but don’t like it enough to make it your job to teach others. That’s okay! Knowing about the various formats of public communication and their associated pros and cons will help you find what method is most engaging for you as well as what drawbacks to your understanding they may have. Before you explore some of the examples of successful archaeological public outreach listed above for a more engaging and creative means of learning about the past, I encourage you to think about where you have previously heard about archaeology: news articles, television, movies, podcasts? Did they use definitive language, sexy titles, or simply confirm your biases? How much evidence did they provide for each claim? In essence, I’m asking you to assess the validity of what you’ve experienced about archaeology in the public sphere. Whereas the bulk of this chapter is focused on how to get archaeological information out into the world, it’s equally important to know how to evaluate information that’s already out there.
In Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology, Feder (2011: xviii-xix) provides a “Quick Start Guide” to assessing the validity of a claim:
- Where is the claim presented? A peer-reviewed journal, a science-based magazine, an anonymous website or a chat group? The objectivity of a claim varies based on where it’s presented, so finding a proper source is important.
- Who is making the claim? A trained archaeologist, a trained scientist in a different field, a news broadcaster? Each of these people will have different levels of understanding of the material and may or may not relay the information properly.
- How does this person making the claim know and/or what evidence is presented? Most importantly, is the scientific method followed? The important takeaway here is that the claim must be based on observation and tested, not based on intuition or anything equally as intangible.
- Are other experts consulted and if so, how do they evaluate the claim? If most other scientists in the field are skeptical, or no other scientific support is given, it probably isn’t a strong claim.
- Is enough information given for you to make an informed decision on the claim’s legitimacy, or are you left with questions?
These questions will help you evaluate all sources and claims, not just archaeological ones. At the same time, they’re great guiding questions for how to craft your own valid arguments in whatever field you pursue.
Case Study
Up to this point, I’ve explained what public outreach and archaeology are, why they’re important, all the different ways you can go about it, and how to figure out which method is best. The following case study will show you how, in a real-life context, you might go about creating a public outreach project by breaking it down by these various elements. I’ll take you through the guiding questions to show how I arrived at my project idea, but you’ll notice that I had to ask myself a lot of additional questions as well. Each archaeological site is different, so outside of the four I’ve given you here you’ll have to listen to what the site and its participants are telling you they need.
Context/Goal
During a land development project in Duncan, BC, an archaeological site now known as Ye’yumnuts was discovered. Ye’yumnuts is a habitation site that was populated by the ancestors of the Cowichan tribe over three separate occupation periods. At the time of excavation, a multitude of amazing artifacts and features were found, including a jade adze sourced from hundreds of kilometers away in the Fraser Canyon, the imprint of a structure, and a pile of fire cracked rocks 10cm deep and 5m wide.
It took two decades of legal battles to protect this ancestral site, and now that it once again belongs to the Cowichan, they wanted to share the site as a source of inspiration for their youth and education for the broader community of Duncan. In particular, the Cowichan tribe wanted school curriculum developed about the site so that local schools could study local ancient history as opposed to that of far away, out of context places, like Egypt. A key element of this goal involved getting children excited in the archaeological findings, thus stimulating an appreciation for their peoples’ deep history. Whatever project that I created would be featured on the website Commemorating Ye’yumnuts.
At this point, I can answer a few guiding questions:
- What is my goal? Inspire Cowichan youth, educate the broader community of Duncan, BC, and get people excited about archaeology
- Whom do I know? Cowichan tribal members, administrators of a local school district, my professor who had been involved in the archaeology of the site
- Who is my audience? Settler and Cowichan community members of all ages, with special attention to students.
- What has already been done/what topics have already been covered? After taking a look at the site’s website, I saw that there were activities on artifacts, the history of the site since the beginning of time, legal battles, media analysis of news coverage, etc.
Because my passion in life is making archaeology fun, I decided to focus in on this particular goal to start my brainstorming. One of the gaps I found in the topics for which curricular material was already available was in the features; no one had talked about any of the features on the site yet, which was incredible because there were so many and they pose a lot of questions in terms of site functionality. The problem with this site and getting people excited about the archaeology of it, especially the features, is that you can no longer see the archaeology on the land. Once excavations were completed, the site was filled in. Now, it is a grassy area surrounded by a protective fence with interpretive signage looping around the site. So how do you get people excited about something abstract, something they can’t even see? The issue of invisibility told me I had to do something visual regarding the site’s features; I had to bring the site alive for my audience.
- What are my strengths? Unfortunately, nothing visual—my main strengths lie in my creative writing. However, I’m a quick learner and was determined to produce something unique and exciting for my student viewers. So, I decided to create a pre-fieldtrip tool to introduce students to the site and sat down at my laptop to start learning how to use Google Tour Creator.
It was time to make a virtual reality tour.
Knowledge Production
This outreach project was being done in collaboration with a local Indigenous group, so it was obvious I would be including their knowledge and interpretations of these archaeological features in my VR tour. There is much research circulating about the benefits of a landed methodology, which just means actually being in the land when you’re doing your work instead of being an armchair anthropologist because it provides you with a deeper, more embodied understanding. For example, at one of our visits to Ye’yumnuts our professor brought some of the artifacts back to the site and as I stood there holding the jade adze in my hand I was overwhelmed by how connected I felt to the site and to these past peoples to the extent that I began to tear up. Needless to say, this enhanced my drive to produce a quality outreach tool to get people as emotionally invested as I.
I decided to use Severin Fowles’ (2010) “comparative or cross-cultural phenomenological methodology” of collaboration in which the anthropologist walks the land with indigenous community members. The Cowichan elder I was working with, Luschiim, was unable to physically walk the land with me, so in lieu of the physical experience I showed him photos of the archaeological features and recorded his interpretations and related stories. However, I was able to walk the site with the lead archaeologist, Eric McLay, who provided rich archaeological data for me.
Google Tour Creator allows you to include one minute of audio, one photo, and up to 300 characters of text for each point of interest (in this case, each archaeological feature). While the photos were either photos of the archaeological feature itself or an archaeological reconstruction of what it may have looked like in use, I used the audio and text to blend the local conceptions of history with the archaeological evidence I gathered from my interviews. When possible I included commentary from both Luschiim and Eric in the same audio clip. When there was just too much good information from them both to fit it into one measly minute I tended to privilege audio clips of Luschiim and included the archaeological data in the text portion. I made this decision because I was conducting this project on behalf of the Cowichan tribe and this was their story to tell. Because the amount of information you can include in the VR tour is so limited, I also made an associated informational booklet for schoolteachers so they would have more background information to inform their lessons or answer the questions of curious students.
Benefits of VR
I just want to take a moment to really home in on what a powerful tool VR can be. As I’ve already mentioned, it’s perfect for making the invisible visible—in this case the hidden archaeological features. It also mimics place-based learning, since the whole concept is about making you feel like you’re somewhere you’re not. This makes it a great tool for students to get familiar with the site before arriving, it makes the site accessible to everyone everywhere, and it fosters a deeper emotional connection with the site. It’s also accessible in terms of cost; all you need is a smartphone and a cardboard VR viewer. The cardboard VR viewers from Google cost less than $10, which makes it a feasible classroom activity. Finally, VR is incredibly interactive, making it an engaging and effective method of learning.
Discussion Questions
- Consider the reasons why we do public archaeology the author lists above. What is one that you find particularly important? Do you have experiences that motivate you to do public archaeology for this reason? Elaborate on this.
- This chapter lists many ways to conduct public outreach in archaeology.. What are two or three ways that stand out to you? Think of a way that you could use them to reach out to the public. What talents or skills could you bring to reach out to the public about the archaeological past?
- While reading this chapter, can you think of a way that public archaeologists have helped with your understanding of the archaeological past? What were some of the ways they did this? Did they use interactive exhibits at a site or museum? Did they use VR, blogs, videos?
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Jenna Hendrick received her B.A. in Anthropology and English from SUNY Binghamton and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Victoria. Currently, Jenna is both the producer of The Dirt—a podcast about archaeology, anthropology, and our shared human past—and the assistant archaeologist for Curtin Archaeological Consulting. Before working in CRM, Jenna excavated at Peyre Blanque, a Magdalenian open-air site in France, as well as dabbled in archaeological conservation. Her research interests include human evolution/human life in the Paleolithic, peoples' perceptions of the deep past/their “nature,” and communicating archaeology.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
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Reetz, Elizabeth C., Chérie Haury-Artz and Jay A. Gorsh. “Strengthening a Place-Based Curriculum through the Integration of Archaeology and Environmental Education” in Public Engagement and Education: Developing and Fostering Stewardship for an Archaeological Future, 74-108. New York: Berghahn Books.
Simpson, Audra. 2011. "Settlement’s Secret." Cultural Anthropology 26(2):205-217.
Stump, Daryl (2013) "On Applied Archaeology, Indigenous Knowledge, and the Usable Past." Current Anthropology. 54(3):268-298.
Sommer, Lauren. n.d. “To Manage Wildfire, California Looks To What Tribes Have Known All Along.” National Public Radio. Accessed September 11, 2020. https://www.npr.org/2020/08/24/899422710/to-manage-wildfire-california-looks-to-what-tribes-have-known-all-along.
Spector, Janet D. 1991. “What This Awl Means: Toward a Feminist Archaeology.” In Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory, 388–406. Oxford: Blackwell.
Stephens, Scott L., Robert E. Martin, and Nicholas E. Clinton. 2007. “Prehistoric Fire Area and Emissions from California’s Forests, Woodlands, Shrublands, and Grasslands.” Forest Ecology and Management 251 (3): 205–16. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foreco.2007.06.005.
Townsend-Gault, Charlotte (2011) Not a museum but a cultural journey: Skwxwú7mesh political affect. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. 17:S39-S55.
“Trump’s Repeal of Utah Monuments Leaves Millions of Acres in Limbo.” n.d. Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance. Accessed September 10, 2020. https://suwa.org/trumps-assault-utah-monuments-leaves-millions-acres-limbo/.
Wei-Haas, Maya. 2020. “Prehistoric Female Hunter Discovery Upends Gender Role Assumptions.” Science. November 4, 2020. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/article/prehistoric-female-hunter-discovery-upends-gender-role-assumptions.
“What Is Public Archaeology?” n.d. Society for American Archaeology. Accessed September 9, 2020. https://www.saa.org/education-outreach/public-outreach/what-is-public-archaeology.
White, Charles S. 2019. “Schools and Public Archaeology.” In Public Engagement and Education:Developing and Fostering Stewardship for an Archaeological Future, 21–44. New York: Berghahn Books.
White, Nancy Marie, Brent R. Weisman, Robert H. Tykot, E. Christian Wells, Karla L. Davis-Salazar, John W. Arthur, and Kathryn Weedman. 2004. “Academic Archaeology Is Public Archaeology.” The SAA Archaeological Record, 26–29.
Yezzi-Woodley, Katrina, Kestly, Chris, Albrecht, Beth, Creager, Paul, Abdella, Joel, and Hayes, Katherine. 2019. “Science and Social Studies Adventures: Using an Interdisciplinary Approach to Inspire School-Age Children to Become Knowledge Producers.” In Public Engagement and Education: Developing and Fostering Stewardship for an Archaeological Future, 45–73. New York: Berghahn Books.
Zeldovich, Lina. n.d. “14,000-Year-Old Piece Of Bread Rewrites The History Of Baking And Farming.” National Public Radio. Accessed September 14, 2020. https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/24/631583427/14-000-year-old-piece-of-bread-rewrites-the-history-of-baking-and-farming.
Zuk, Marlene. 2013. Paleofantasy: What Evolution Really Tells Us About Sex, Diet, and How We Live. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
Learning Objectives
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Describe the importance of public outreach in archaeology
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Identify methods of public outreach and suggest situations where specific methods may be better suited to a certain archaeological project
Introduction
Every time I tell someone new that I’m an archaeologist, I’m generally met with four different responses:
- “What’s your favorite dinosaur?”
- “A real-life Indiana Jones!”
- “Oh wow, you must find all sorts of cool treasures!”
- “I always wanted to be an archaeologist, but it just wasn’t feasible. I’d love to start the hobby when I retire though!”
These four responses tell me firstly that many people conflate archaeologists and paleontologists—leading to awkward laughing and my admitting that the only dinosaur I know of is the T-Rex. They also tell me that most of what people know about archaeology comes from popular media, namely the Indiana Jones franchise, which harps on this idea of “treasure” rather than cultural significance. This search for treasure then becomes more of a hobby rather than an actual profession, with people assuming archaeologists just dig around in remote areas of the world to find pretty items to line the shelves of museums and private collections with, or to sell. Indeed, shows like American Digger and Indiana Jones do much to emphasize the monetary benefits of artifacts (Pagán 2015), which can lead to the destruction and unlawful looting of archaeological sites. To summarize, it is rare that anyone knows what it is we as archaeologists actually do and how we impact their day-to-day lives with the important research we conduct.
The thing about archaeology is that, even if people don’t totally know what it is, they still tend to associate it as a “cool” profession—so cool, in fact, that it could be a hobby! That said, even if someone were interested enough to try to do their own research on archaeological discoveries, they would not be likely to understand what’s going on. Research papers use so much jargon that sometimes archaeologists with different specialties can’t understand a research article outside of their area of interest (Fagan 2010) so how could a lay person understand what’s going on? Public outreach in this regard becomes a means of translation; we need to communicate with the public in terms they understand because they want to learn, and if we don’t help them, then they either become discouraged and their interest wanes, or they misunderstand the research, which could lead to negative consequences (discussed in detail below).
Furthermore, people are interested in understanding their place in the world, and archaeology can provide them with some of that context. Evolution in particular gains much attraction from the public because people are in search of the healthiest ways to live their lives or are looking for excuses for poor behavior (i.e. violence, sexual aggression and promiscuity; see McCaughey 2008 or Zuk 2013). However, once they grab hold of something—like the Paleo-diet—they tend to run with it, ignoring the fact that science is fluid and discoveries are made every day. For example, although the Paleo-diet considers the ingestion of grain products blasphemous, there’s actually been recent evidence saying that hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic had been making bread-like products around 14,000 years ago (Zeldovich 2018). Unfortunately for me, the discovery came after I received my Paleo-cookbook for Christmas.
Even more unfortunate is the fact that most evolutionary scientists have done nothing to correct the misconceptions that are so vehemently being passed along; instead, they respond with disgust and condemnation, despite the fact that some practitioners actively reach out to scientists in an attempt to better understand their food practices and make sure they’re being scientifically up-to-date (Chang and Nowell: 2016). Robb Wolf, a prominent member of the Paleo-diet community, has lamented on this very response from anthropologists: “What I have sensed from the anthropology community is an almost… annoyance that upstarts from outside that Guild have the temerity to talk about this stuff and try to apply it in an actionable way… If I could wave a magic wand I’d hope for a bit less prickliness on the part of the medical anthropology community on this topic… If we could get them to understand just how important their understanding of the past is, we might have a much better future’” (Chang and Nowell: 2016: 230).
The thing is, anthropologists know their understanding of the past is important—so why aren’t we leaning into that, especially when others see our studies’ worth? People are interested in what we as archaeologists do and study and it is our obligation to engage them in our work, especially when they reach out to us.
While misconceptions about the field of archaeology and archaeological discoveries themselves are primarily fueled by the media, archaeologists aren’t helping matters. How is anyone outside of the field supposed to know what we do if we do not tell them, much less in language they can understand? It’s necessary that archaeologists begin rigorous public outreach to correct these misinterpretations of our field. In this chapter, I will define public outreach, provide examples of how archaeologists practice public outreach, and explain why it’s important and needs to be done.
Some Considerations
There are many ethical considerations to keep in mind when creating outreach materials—you want to make sure you’re doing things in a “good way.” That being said, I’m going to tell you about what I consider to be two of the most important considerations:
- Keep sensitive cultural material hidden
- You may receive personal anecdotes from community members that you work with, and while they do add a human touch to the “story” you’re trying to tell, they may be too personally or culturally sensitive to share with a wider audience. To accurately deduce what is or is not appropriate to share, collaborate closely with the local community to get their feedback.
- Focusing too heavily on material culture rather than the people who created/used it.
- By focusing solely on the material culture of a site to explain the past, one disconnects the artifacts and the community’s “relationship to their broader environment” (Budwha and Mccreary 2013: 196).
- You risk creating a “spectacle” (Simpson 2011). Reducing people to their material culture relegates the ancestors to the past rather than acknowledging their active participation in the world today. These material objects then act as the face of those who settled there and risk being sensationalized to the extent that they become “native-art-as-usual” (Townsend Gault 2011). Sensationalized objects become static symbols of the past.
Bottom line: Be respectful in what you say, how you say/portray it and collaborate when possible!
The Society for American Archaeology does not have any one definition for public outreach, but rather recognizes it as a collection of methods archaeologists use to engage the public in archaeological research as well as general public awareness ("What Is Public Archaeology?"). Public archaeology can be used synonymously with public outreach.
Public archaeology is often viewed as a subfield of archaeology. However, public outreach in some form or another informs and underlies all archaeology, whether it be in terms of where one’s funding resources come from, where and how one is expected to conduct their fieldwork, how to manage the cultural site, how to treat the archaeological finds, or what kinds of impacts the archaeological research generates (Matsuda 2016:41). All of these instances require communication with some sort of outside source. This means that public outreach can take place before, during, and after the archaeological research is done. Community members can help inform the objectives of an archaeological research project, assist in the actual excavation process beginning as soon as the survey and as late as cleaning and labeling the artifacts, or can be a part of a post-research activity or lecture presented by the researchers. Public outreach can also take place outside of the confines of a particular research project and instead focus on the general understanding of archaeology through hands-on activities in schools or community events. In essence, archaeological public outreach can occur anytime and anywhere in any number of formats.
Public archaeology was once understood to be a means of applying archaeology to the real world via cultural resource management (CRM), contract archaeology, public education, historic preservation, and museology (White et al. 2004). Now there are four different approaches to public archaeology that have been identified:
The educational and public relations approaches are more practice-based, whereas the pluralist and critical approaches are more theoretical.

In particular, the educational approach aims to facilitate people’s learning of the past via archaeological thinking and methods. Archaeological education can occur both on and off-site. Some organizations, like the City of Alexandria’s Archaeology Museum, offer public dig days, in which members of the community can come and participate in an ongoing excavation (White 2019: 37), thus getting hands-on experience in archaeological thinking and methods. For years, the State University of New York at Binghamton’s Undergraduate Anthropology Organization would visit a local elementary school with boxes full of “treasure” strewn in stratified soil, sand, and pebbles, and teach them how to excavate and interpret their findings. These physical experiences not only create strong memories, but also “improves concentration, increases student engagement, and makes learning (and teaching) fun” (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019: 50).
The public relations approach works “to increase the recognition, popularity, and support of archaeology in contemporary society” by forming connections between archaeology and individuals and/or social groups (Matsuda 2016: 41-42). This approach parallels the push for archaeological stewardship where the wider community participates in the knowledge production, protection, and reverence of a site, not just archaeologists. Public relations foster stronger connections and responsibility towards sites and knowledge of the past. True knowledge production requires one to ask questions and interpret the evidence beyond uncovering artifacts at a public dig. For example, Science and Social Studies Adventures (SASSA), an organization that “bring[s] archaeology to the classrooms… in order to enhance science and social studies lessons…” took both physics and social studies students to a field that was planned to become a park. The students were taught how to use ground-penetrating radar (GPR) technology to map out the underground features of the property to determine whether or not an excavation would be necessary (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019). In this instance, they not only got the hands-on experience of mapping an area with GPR, but also participated in the knowledge production by interpreting that map and determining the future of the site; they now have a sense of responsibility over something tangible and relevant to their community. Similarly, though off-site, Nina Simon of the OF/BY/FOR ALL project encourages participating museums to actively engage their communities in project and exhibit designs to better cater and connect to the wider community (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021), while at the same time fostering a sense of responsibility and pride of the past.
The educational and public relations approaches have long been established in archaeology; however, the focus on the pluralist and critical approaches only began to gain traction after the 1990s (Matsuda 2016:42).
The pluralist approach attempts to understand different types of relationships between material culture and different members of the public, which essentially means understanding who your public is and where they’re ideologically coming from (Matsuda 2016:42). Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer (2021) have taken a pluralist approach to museum visitors. One German study revealed that museum-goers tend to be highly educated, possess high cultural capital, are satisfied with life, and are open to new experiences (Kluge and Pinsker 2021). Closer to home, the American Alliance of Museums (AAM) found that only 9% of museum visitors are from minority populations (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). Furthermore, the AAM’s 2010 demographic study revealed a number of barriers for African American and Latino visitors: historically, museums feel intimidating and exclusionary; the feeling that museums require specialized knowledge and cultivated esthetic taste; a lack of museum-going in one’s childhood; and social networks influence whether or not one chooses museums as a leisure activity (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). With this understanding of how people relate to the past in this particular setting (i.e., museums), cultural institutions can better cater to a wider audience. Specifically, they can choose communication methods more often used by their target audience, offer content that the wider community (especially minority populations) can connect with, provide a welcoming atmosphere, and ensure visually and physically comfortable and pleasing spaces (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021).
Finally, the critical approach works to unsettle the interpretation of the past as told by socially dominant groups, who typically have ulterior motives that socially subjugate another group by distorting the telling of the past (Matsuda 2016:42). Evolutionary anthropology has largely taken a critical approach since the end of World War II, when it finally became clear that the scientific support of the social construction of race was detrimental to millions of lives. Until then, it was posited by scientists and laypeople alike that race was a biological fact, and one’s intelligence, capabilities, and worth were determined by their race. Now we know that the variation in human skin color is nothing more than a reflection of millions of years adaptation to changing environments (Echo-Hawk and Zimmerman 2006:471). To totally unsettle the interpretation of an evolutionary past in which it was white people who first settled Europe, a study published in 2007 found that the gene associated with light skin didn’t evolve until 12,000-6,000 years ago (Gibbons 2007: 364; see also Brace et al. 2018 for information on what the first Britons looked like according to “white-hating lefties” [Admin 2018] and Hendrick 2021 for more information on unsettling people’s evolutionary assumptions on race).Both the pluralist and critical approaches view “the public as a subject, which has its own agency and interacts with the past according to its beliefs, interests, and agendas” (Matsuda 2016: 43). These changes are still new for a field rooted in colonialism, so we’re still learning how to effectively conduct public archaeology and outreach.
Community Archaeology
In a general sense, “community archaeology” is the term we use to describe the active participation of non-archaeologists in the archaeological research process, as described above. Ideally, community archaeology includes seven components with which the community is involved in: devising research questions or areas of interest, “setting up a project, field practices, data collection, analysis, storage and dissemination, and public presentation” (Marshall 2002: 211). This means that the community has some level of control of the project at each step (Marshall 2002:212). Arguably one of the most important aspects of community archaeology is that the management of the cultural heritage remains with the community and that research findings are publicly presented (i.e., public outreach is a necessity!) (Marshall 2002:215). Allowing communities to make critical decisions about the direction and implementation of research may seem like a terrifying loss to archaeologists, but it really provides a depth to the research that would’ve otherwise been impossible to achieve (Marshall 2002: 218).
By this point you’re probably wondering who this elusive “community” is. Two types of community tend to show up for these kinds of projects, and often at the same time: people who live locally, either close to or directly at the site, as well as descendants (people who trace their descent from the people who once lived at or near the site in question).
To see community archaeology in action, let’s take a look at Ozette, a late prehistoric/early whaling village at Neah Bay in Washington State (Marshall 2002: 212-213). A mudslide in 1970 exposed substantial house timbers among other organic artifacts (which you may or may not know is absolutely incredible considering organic artifacts typically decompose). This prompted the Makah Tribal Council to contact an archaeologist, and together they set in motion a huge excavation program from 1970 through 1981. The Makah community provided direction throughout the whole project and opened the site to visitors; up to 60,000 people visited each year. Excavated materials were stored and displayed by the Makah community at the newly created Makah Cultural Research Center and a host of publications concerning the site were published. The close collaboration between the archaeologists and Makah residents, the control maintained by Makah people over the project, the retention of the excavated materials by the Makah community for the purposes of preservation, storage, and display, as well as the extensive publications about the site “are very much the goals of community archaeology” (Marshall 2002: 213).
Why Is Public Outreach Important?
The fact is, archaeological sites around the world are in danger. This is important because cultural patrimony (the ongoing cultural importance of an artifact) and heritage tell us who we are and where we come from, which consequently affects our world views and how we act, thus impacting both our present and future.
With a decrease in natural resources, scientists are increasingly looking towards the ocean for the mining of precious and non-precious metals, aggregates extraction, marine engineering, and the production of marine-zone nonrenewable energy, all putting underwater archaeological sites at risk of destruction (Flatman 2009). On the coasts, archaeological sites are threatened by rising sea levels and increasingly powerful storms caused by global warming, among other anthropogenic transformations such as development, mining, and dredging (Fitzpatrick and Braje 2019). War zones see particularly copious amounts of destruction to cultural heritage, either through the creation of defense mechanisms such as trenches, through bombing, or through the intentional destruction of cultural items in an attempt to wipe away one’s nascent culture. Two of the most prominent examples are the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Approximately 2500 objects and sculptures were destroyed, defaced, or stolen from the National Museum of Afghanistan between the years of 1996 and 2001. In Iraq, military bases were established at Babylon and near Ur of the Chaldees, leading to the damage of the archaeological record by way of trench digging, imported gravel, and fuel spills. There was also rampant looting in Iraq (Cunliffe and Curtis 2011).
While it doesn’t get much popular press, national and international cultural sites also face threats due to political decisions. President Trump, recognizing the importance of cultural sites, threatened to bomb 52 Iranian cultural sites “VERY FAST AND VERY HARD” as retribution for 52 American hostages that were taken years prior (Jacobson 2020). In 2017, Trump repealed massive amounts of land in Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears National Monuments that had previously been protected by the Antiquities Act (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This action puts at risk 100,000 archaeological and cultural sites in Bears Ears National Monument alone, including Cedar Mesa which has one of the highest densities of cultural sites in America at several hundred sites per square mile, all to make way for coal mining, irresponsible and damaging motorized recreation, uranium mining, and oil and gas leasing (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This is devastating for the local Native American tribes—including the Hopi tribe, Navajo Nation, Pueblo of Zuni, Ute Indian Tribe, and Ute Mountain Ute tribe—whose ancestral material culture, that provides grounding and pride in their ancestors, is deemed “not unique” or “not of significant scientific or historic interest” and thus disposable by the president (Biber et al 2017). On October 8. 2021, President Biden restored the original boundaries for Bears Ears and interagency planning with tribal input is underway to manage and protect that important landscape.
Unfortunately, there are many more threats and sites at risk than here mentioned.
The loss of archaeological sites can cause irreparable damage to communities around the world and thus needs to be stopped. Without archaeological sites, oppressed peoples can be disenfranchised of their history and culture; history can be rewritten by the victor with no one the wiser; and we may never know the truth of where we come from, which could negatively impact the way we think about ourselves (i.e., we may feel we were predestined to live this way, when what evolutionary archaeology shows us so far is that there is no one way to be human). There are many other reasons why archaeology—or the loss thereof—can damage communities. To exemplify the importance of archaeology generally and thus the need for public outreach, I will provide some instances in which (the public communication of) archaeology can widely impact different communities. I discuss how learning from our past, telling stories, and correcting harmful narratives all contribute to the communities where archaeologists conduct their work.
Learn from Our Past
We can learn a surprising amount about humans’ past actions that can help inform how we behave today. In particular, we can look to the past to determine how to create a sustainable future. Between 1987 and 1995 archaeologists of the Garbage Project at the University of Arizona systematically excavated fifteen landfills across North America, in which they found that dating as far back as the 1950s, paper occupied the most landfill space because it was biodegrading very slowly, contrary to what people had once believed (Rathje 2008: 37). Shortly after the excavation reports came out, governments and individual communities began pushing for the curbside recycling that we have come to know and love (Rathje 2008: 37), and now we have any number of recycled paper products at our disposal.
In August 2020, NPR posted an article entitled, “To Manage Wildfire, California Looks to What Tribes Have Known All Along” (Sommer 2020). This article explains how the banning of local Native Americans’ controlled burning practices has led to increased vegetation, which dries out every summer and acts as the kindling for the state’s notorious fires. The state government has recently come to trust in the oral histories of the local tribes and the archaeological record, which argue that the controlled burning of the past had actually been a successful mode of wildfire risk management. According to archaeological finds, controlled burning has been occurring over a vast amount of time and space (Bowman 1998; Heckenberger et al. 2007; Mason 2000). The extent of this evidence provides us with a feasible path forward as we try to reconcile the damage we have since caused through global warming.
Share Untold Stories
Archaeology has a long history of focusing on the stories of rich, able-bodied white men in their prime. This means that the long and equally important histories of ethnic, gendered, and aged minorities are being left out of the stories we tell about the past. This is problematic, because the exclusion of one’s past can lead to subjugation by a dominant group, who often touts their successful past. However, archaeology can also be useful at challenging these problematic assumptions.
Let’s think about the Man the Hunter model of human evolution—you probably envision men running toward a mammoth with their spears held high, ready for another successful kill, but what do you know about women in the Paleolithic? Probably not much. You probably imagine that women just stayed home with their babies and hoped a cave lion wouldn’t come kill them while their big and strong husbands were off catching dinner. Note that I say imagine, because women’s roles are often entirely left out of the story.
Instead, the first anatomically modern humans are often spoken about in the context of their subsistence activities, which are all attributed to men’s behaviors; thus men are the only actors we really hear about in the Paleolithic. Do you know how we can tell it was men who did all of those activities? Well, we actually can’t tell that at all. In the advent of Paleolithic research, archaeologists of the time were just copy-and-pasting our modern-day gender roles to the past. As of yet there is little theory to actually determine the extent of the gender roles in the deep past (Conkey and Spector 1984).
However, recent research suggests that women were actively hunting, at least in Peru 9,000 years ago (Wei-Haas 2020). Archaeologists came across a burial in the Andes mountains in which the skeletal remains were accompanied by an extensive kit of 24 tools for big game hunting. The archaeologists at the time assumed that the remains were those of an important male hunter. However, upon further analysis, the remains were shown to be biologically female. This spurred the reevaluation of a number of similar burials throughout the Americas and it turns out that between 30% and 50% of the big game hunters—as interpreted by grave goods—were biologically female. By ignoring women’s roles in the past, we risk perpetuating an imagining of men as the drivers of human evolution and success and women as only good for their birthing capabilities. Sharing the stories of this oft-forgotten sect of society could do much to waylay some of the poor excuses people make today in regards to sexism and gender roles.
Dr. Diane Wallman of the University of South Florida has worked on a public archaeology project at the Gamble Plantation Historic Site. Originally established as a sugar plantation by Robert H. Gamble in the mid-19th century, the property was later inhabited by the Confederate Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, and later an attorney. Although there is clear reverence for the confederate officer, as shown by the large memorial erected in his name, Dr. Wallman is actually interested in exploring the lives of the enslaved laborers who lived and worked on this plantation, and whose stories have not been given the recognition or reverence they deserve. To share these stories, Dr. Wallman has given public lectures (e.g., AIA Event Listings 2019) and provided her expertise as a guest on podcasts (e.g., Anthro Alert 2017). Additionally, the excavations are exclusively during archaeological field schools, and the site is open to the public to participate in the dig. One of Dr. Wallman’s Master's students in 2019 collected information from archives, remote sensing, and archaeological investigation to understand the lives of enslaved peoples on this plantation with the goal of engaging descendant communities in particular in future archaeological research on the site (Litteral 2019).
In this sense, the portrayal of stories often left untold can help generate pride in one’s people. If your peoples’ life stories are continually being ignored and at times discredited, then archaeology that gives those underrepresented groups a tangible connection with their ancestors can go a long way toward building pride in one’s community. Getting that message outside of the descendant community can go even further in making others recognize and value the importance of the minority heritage as well.
Correct Harmful Narratives
Archaeology has unfortunately perpetuated many negative narratives on its own. However, the public also communicates harmful narratives of our pasts. Harmful narratives refer to stories that are told and are argued to be based on science, typically about a minority and how/why they are subjugated or why people act a certain way. Luckily, new archaeological research or the reevaluation of current archaeological research, can work to correct these harmful narratives. Getting these corrected stories out to the public can then begin to make real change in the way people conceptualize themselves and their place in the world.
Based on my research, people have gathered from popular media and their own life experiences that violence is an inherent human trait. Furthermore, violence is seen as the driving factor of our species’ evolution: if it hadn’t been for our penchant for violence we would not have been able to compete with other groups or animals, nor would we have been able to outlive the Neanderthals. Despite the fact that most people now have 1% to 4% Neanderthal DNA (Green et al. 2010), which means there had to be a relatively high amount of Neanderthal/anatomically Modern Human sexual relations that far back, all of my interview participants were extremely confident in stating that we humans would have met Neanderthals with nothing but violence. The inherent and long-lasting evolutionary trait of violence provides justification for wars and senseless acts. However, there is very little evidence of violence in the deep past, which means people are making assumptions about the deep past based on their lived experience and the research on the topic is not being adequately shared with the public.
Another example includes the multitude of pseudoarchaeological claims that now exist, namely shows such as Ancient Aliens and In Search of Aliens. These shows primarily explain why it was in no way possible for Indigenous communities to have built such incredible structures so far back in time, and conclude that these structures and the cultures surrounding them must have been created by aliens. Whether or not it is the hosts’ intent, these messages work to portray indigenous communities as technologically and socially inferior. Public outreach on how incredible these Indigenous communities really are by means of the archaeological evidence we have for their agency—as opposed to alien interference—could go a long way to prove that not only aliens and white Europeans have intelligence and civilization.
Improve Quality of Archaeological Research
In order to even begin conducting research, archaeologists need to get funding. In my experience, archaeology departments are often bereft of their own internal funding, meaning individual researchers need to look elsewhere. If the funding sources and the public are unfamiliar with your field or your work, they are unlikely to deem it important enough to give funds to when there are more pressing projects with more evident real-world impacts. It is necessary to write funding requests in such a way that the reader can understand your project, because they won’t necessarily have an archaeological background. That being said, it’s all about knowing how to write for a particular audience. In addition to grants, funding or volunteer labor may come from community organizations, so it is important to reach out to local communities and get them excited about your project as well. In addition to funding, strong community relations can provide one’s project with input on how the project should be carried out or what research questions may be important to explore. Community relations are especially important for projects occurring on the land of the descendant community for this reason.
Archaeologists are by nature specialized—you have lithics specialists, pottery specialists, biological archaeologists, zooarchaeologists, etc. We are a field that inherently has to draw on numerous other specialists and fields to get a full picture of what a site is telling us. For example, we draw on the expertise of chemists, geologists, geneticists, geographers, and botanists, among many others (Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019). By communicating with an audience wider than those who read archaeological journals or attend archaeological conferences, we begin to build teams of varied researchers who can all learn and benefit from each other.
I have showed how public outreach isn’t only important for educating the public, but also for how it improves the quality of the archaeological research itself, by making it easier to get funding and collaborate with people from other disciplines. The following sections describe the methods used by archaeologists to reach the public.
Methods of Public Outreach
In today’s world, there are an infinite number of ways archaeologists can engage with the public. These methods can be divided into three different categories: traditional media (print, audio, and visual forms), online digital content, and interpersonal or interactive learning experiences (Erdman 2019). While the options for communication may be endless, it’s important to keep in mind what kind of demographic you’re attempting to reach when you’re choosing which method of communication is best suited to your project. Furthermore, each of these broad categories of communication have different levels of accuracy, access, and effectiveness that need to be taken into account when planning your public outreach. In this section, I will explain some of the particular communicative avenues one could take within each broad communication method, as well as provide some considerations, limitations, and benefits.
Traditional Media
Print media, including books, newspapers, and magazines, have historically been the primary means of scientific communication (Harding 2007: 120) and are often viewed as the most credible forms of scientific communication because of the rigorous editing and peer-review process that they often go through (Erdman 2019: 5). Indeed, my own ethnographic research on this topic has shown that my survey participants considered books to be their most valued source of scientific information (Hendrick 2021). However, our understanding of the past is continually changing, thus outdating these supposedly accurate sources (Erdman 2019: 5). More and more researchers’ work is being digitized or published in online journals. At this time, many of the journals are kept behind steep paywalls, making the likelihood of a merely curious lay-person reading it less realistic—who wants to pay to wade through jargon that they might not even understand? There seems to be an uptick in researchers who are interested in widely disseminating their research and there are now websites such as Academia.edu and ResearchGate that make journal articles much more accessible (Erdman 2019); however, there is still the issue of archaeological jargon.
Each form of print publication serves a different level of insight. For example, “A short newspaper article offers highlights; a magazine…offers a more contextualized account of a site, artifact, or culture; and a book or professional journal may address a specific topic more in-depth” (Erdman 2019: 6). The benefit of this is that there is a means of print communication that will fit everyone’s pace and depth of interest and they will likely provide additional resources for the especially curious reader to pursue if they so desire.
Examples of archaeology in print media
- Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology by Kenneth Feder
- Sapiens by Yuval Noah Harari (This is a good example of how popular books with archaeology can be, but it is poor science)
- Paleofantasy: What Evolution Really Tells Us About Sex, Diet, and How We Live by Marlene Zuk
Television has been argued to represent a depiction of “the truth” and thus works to mold people’s perceptions of the world (Pagán 2015: 16), making it an effective format for educational purposes. Part of the audio/visual success in regards to perception molding is because seeing is believing: visual representations offer a physical point of reference for the audience, which makes it easier to understand and connect with the material rather than having to parse through abstract written word (Erdman 2019: 7). Indeed, it’s been shown that audio-visual materials (such as film/television clips and song or speech clips) are effective learning devices and that students are increasingly becoming visual learners (Hoover 2006).
Television shows get much higher viewership than do print materials, so educational television shows would reach a far larger audience than any one book may (Pagán 2015). With an abundance of streaming services online—such as Hulu, Netflix, and Amazon Prime—television is more widely accessible than ever before (so long as you have Internet access and another $10 or so to spend each month). The downside to this is that there are many other shows available as well, which means someone would likely have to be actively seeking out educational television to happen upon an archaeology program.
Audio and visual media—such as radio, podcasts, film, and television—have a varying level of accuracy, and one is equally likely to encounter an educational show as they are a fantastical, sensationalized account that only uses archeology as a starting point for their fantasy (Erdman 2019:6). Although television used to be a popular location for widespread science communication, television producers today consider lecture series and more educational television to be too dry for their audiences (Harding 2007: 120). Among archaeologists, the typical treatments of archaeological finds and sites are arguably dry and unexciting, which leads news editors and television producers to insist on packaging the hard archaeological facts in sensationalism, catchy headlines, and “halo[s] of soft focus images [and] music” (Harding 2007: 124). However, this type of sensationalism can result in misunderstandings, misrepresentations of the data, or contribute to common tropes, as the stories that get picked up by these mediums tend to revolve around “sexy” topics like sex and drugs. This is not to say that good educational television does not exist; indeed, shows like PBS’ NOVA typically feature engaging stories on recent archaeological discoveries, yet people tend to be more familiar with Ancient Aliens than NOVA. This makes the explosion of archaeological podcasts by archaeologists that much more important; archaeologists are turning dry and unexciting information into funny and/or thought-provoking conversations that cater to both novices and professionals alike. Although these podcasts face the same caveat as television shows, in that one likely has to seek out this kind of educational topic, it is encouraging to see archaeologists in all stages of their careers utilizing this increasingly popular medium.
Examples of podcasts
- ArchaeoEd (Archaeologist Dr. Ed Barnhart talks about ancient civilizations in the Americas)
- The Dirt (method, theory, and thematic episodes with humor; appropriate for non-archaeologists and archaeologists alike)
- Ologies (this covers all sorts of science, but there are a number of archaeological/anthropological related episodes; the premise is “asking smart people stupid questions,” so no previous knowledge needed here)
Hard Archaeological Fiction
The primary setbacks of traditional media revolve around the difficult language and dry presentation. For this reason, I (Hendrick 2016, 2021) and many other scholars (e.g., Terrell 1990; Spector 1991, 1993; Fagan 2010; Holtorf 2010; Mickel 2012; ) have argued for an increase in “hard” archaeological fiction (Messenger 2019), which is fiction based on archaeological data. With over 45 million copies sold worldwide by 2010 (Auel 2010), perhaps one of the most popular examples of hard archaeological fiction is Jean Auel’s account of human life in the Paleolithic: The Earth’s Children series, the first novel of which is Clan of the Cave Bear. Auel did an incredible amount of research on life in the Paleolithic and based two of her main characters, Iza and Creb, on Neanderthal remains found in the archaeological cave site known as Shanidar (Auel 2010). While Auel may have overstepped her creative boundaries in terms of gender relations, which have resulted in negative stereotypes (see Hendrick 2021), she imagined what no other scholar was willing to consider at the time: that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans procreated. Eventually it came to light that yes, the two groups of Homo sapiens had indeed mated. Auel’s creative imagination was able to conjure up images of the past which we had not yet begun to think of, a skill that is especially important for archaeologists to hone if they are to accurately portray the past. By that I mean, we actually have very little idea about what exactly the past—especially that long ago—looked like in terms of social organization, but we can be sure that it wasn’t necessarily a mirror image of our own society. Thus, we must use our imaginations to envision worlds that are vastly different from our own.
In essence, fiction is a method of escaping our biases. According to Wiley (1981) as cited by Conkey and Spector (1984:21), it is not the fragmentary and often “invisible” nature of archaeological data that hinders our knowledge of the past, but rather our epistemologies. Therefore, the use of imagination or fiction is not only a valuable methodological skill for archaeologists to practice, but it is a much more interesting and accessible format of archaeological data dissemination than traditional archaeological writing. Additionally, fiction communicates to the reader that archaeological interpretations are fluid, by which I mean they change based on emerging discoveries, theories, and interpretations, which subsequently changes the story. One of the main difficulties in disseminating scientific knowledge is that public broadcasts typically ignore the fact that science is wrapped up in “ifs” and “buts,” either imparting a misrepresentation of the research by making the data sound definitive and/or leaving the public to mistrust scientists when their findings end up changing down the road (Harding 2007). The presence of diverse hard archaeological fiction will emulate the varying archaeological interpretations and “ifs” and “buts” that permeate archaeological literature. Hard archaeological fiction also works to promote cross-cultural empathy and an appreciation for the work archaeologists do (Messenger 2019).
Examples of hard evolutionary fiction (different stories = different archaeological interpretations)
- Clan of the Cave Bear by Jean Auel
- Reindeer Moon by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas
- The Inheritors by William Golding
- Dance of the Tiger by Björn Kurtén
Online Digital Content
Digital content refers to content designed specifically for the Internet. However, it uses elements of traditional media, and thus has the same benefits/drawbacks. One of the biggest benefits of online digital content in particular is that it “bring[s] the world of higher education to people who could not otherwise access it” (Harding 2007: 121). This does not only include the level of information one can find on the Internet, but also the fact that you can learn about people and places all over the world as opposed to the local contexts that one is often taught in school and in museums. Even better, it’s up-to-date research and ideas, because the information in the digital content can easily be fixed or asked and answered immediately in online forums and webinars (Erdman 2019). This opens up a lot more opportunity for direct engagement with a larger audience.
Social media is an excellent tool to educate people by sharing the process of a research project in real time as well as to spread the word about upcoming in-person outreach events or exciting sites to visit. Twitter provides much public engagement with the topic of archaeology because hashtags make it easy to follow a general topic and it’s widely used to get up-to-date news by following a variety of users (Huvila 2013). Facebook is more oriented towards a social group, so you have to be friends with someone to get updates on what they post, and archaeological-related posts are only featured on someone’s newsfeed if they’re a part of one of those groups or pages or are friends with someone who is (Huvila 2013). This means engagement with archaeology on Facebook is relatively limited.
Two major problems of digital content are the unlimited resources and access to the Internet. With so many different blogs, websites, articles, and social media platforms, you have to actively search for information on a particular subject and then put the effort into doing a credibility check. Additionally, there are still many who cannot access digital content due to the lack of a computer or reliable Internet, a problem that many schools and families had to cope with when schools went online during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Examples of online digital content
- Sapiens- online anthropology magazine
- Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian National Museum of History- everything from human evolution basics to lesson plans
- Bones, Stones, and Books – blog by Stefanie Halmhofer on the reality of practicing archaeology, advice for students, and pseudoarchaeology
Interpersonal/Interactive Learning
One of the best ways to engage the public in archaeological discourse is via community involvement, because it provides a tangible link to the past (Erdman 2019) and a place in the knowledge production process; the subsequent claim of ownership over that knowledge can arouse further interest in the topic as well as foster a reverence for historical preservation (Harding 2007). It also makes the field more “real;” most people don’t know what archaeology is, much less know an archaeologist. By getting to physically engage with an archaeologist, the field becomes legitimized because it can coincide with personal experience. In essence, community involvement is any kind of direct interaction with non-specialists, such as through community archaeology projects, museum and outreach programs, public lectures, and getting involved with a school (Erdman 2019). An example of interactive learning was the Passport in Time program, in which the US Forest Service enlists the help of non-specialist volunteers to do a number of cultural heritage management activities at sites on public land across the country, including survey and excavation, restoration, archival research, oral history gathering, and more (Clearinghouse). Professional archaeologists, historians, and preservationists act as the volunteers’ hosts, guides, and coworkers during the experience. This form of active learning ensures that accurate and contemporary information is being shared. Unfortunately, it was discontinued in 2024 after a 20 year run.
Many interpersonal/interactive learning opportunities involve being somewhere in-person, which means they’re primarily in local contexts. That is to say, not everywhere has an archaeologist, museum, or university to conduct these programs, and traveling to attend them in other towns or cities isn’t accessible to everyone (Erdman 2019). So while these programs have an amazing impact on those lucky enough to participate, your information reaches a limited number of people.
The Bottom Line
No matter the format, you need to create a story. People are more engaged in archaeological information if it is easy to follow and is relatable. Making the information relatable is by far the biggest tip I can give you. People do better when human case studies are used (Pobiner 2021), which means you need to bring the human into any discussion of material culture. This can be accomplished in a hard-archaeological vignette (Spector 1991) or by bringing the human of archaeology to the forefront of the science by making the archaeologist the main character—take non-specialists on the discovery and interpretation process with you. Each method—traditional media, online digital content, and interpersonal/interactive learning—has its pros and cons and each needs to be tailored to a particular audience, however the benefits of using a story format to engage non-specialists is a skill that benefits each of these approaches.
Creating an Outreach Project
Ask yourself the following questions to figure out where you should even begin with an outreach project. Once you decide whether you want to write a book, star in a television show, start a Twitter account, or invite the local third graders to come dig at your archaeological site, take the creative reins and figure out what exactly that book will say, show will look like, or lessons will be taught.
What's the Goal?
Refer back to the reasons why we do (public) archaeology in the first place and find the one that identifies best with your site. Your site includes not only the physical place, but what the data tells you (does it contradict a long-held belief? Does it tell us something about sustainability?) and what the descendant community wants (do they want this knowledge shared widely or do they want it within the community?). You also need to consider how many people you want to reach with your project.
What Are My Strengths?
Are you a computer geek? Start a website or build a videogame! Are you good at creative writing? Write hard archaeological fiction! Are you good at public speaking? Do a lecture series! Whatever it is you’re good at, incorporate it into your project. That’s not to say that you can’t learn how to use a new technology or gain a new skill, it just depends on your willingness to learn those things and what your timeline looks like.
Who Do I Know?
For interpersonal/interactive learning, you’ll likely have to team up with another organization, however it’s much easier to get a project off the ground if you reach out to an individual rather than the organization as a whole (White 2019; Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019; Reetz, Haury-Artz, and Gorsch 2019). For example, ask a teacher if they want to participate in an archaeology-related activity rather than the principal because most teachers don’t have a background in archaeology and may feel too overwhelmed or have too little free time to learn enough to be confident in teaching it. It’s essential to find someone who’s as jazzed about this fun learning experience as you are.
Who Is Your Audience?
This first affects your language. Never involve jargon, unless explained properly and in an easy-to-understand manner. You also want to make sure to keep your language age-appropriate. Check out the Gunning Fog Index for more information on how to check the readability of your work (this means how many years of education someone would need to know what you’re saying). The size of your audience will also affect your outreach project, as explained above.
What if I Want to Learn, Not Create?
Maybe communicating archaeology isn’t your jam; maybe you’re interested in learning about it, but don’t like it enough to make it your job to teach others. That’s okay! Knowing about the various formats of public communication and their associated pros and cons will help you find what method is most engaging for you as well as what drawbacks to your understanding they may have. Before you explore some of the examples of successful archaeological public outreach listed above for a more engaging and creative means of learning about the past, I encourage you to think about where you have previously heard about archaeology: news articles, television, movies, podcasts? Did they use definitive language, sexy titles, or simply confirm your biases? How much evidence did they provide for each claim? In essence, I’m asking you to assess the validity of what you’ve experienced about archaeology in the public sphere. Whereas the bulk of this chapter is focused on how to get archaeological information out into the world, it’s equally important to know how to evaluate information that’s already out there.
In Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology, Feder (2011: xviii-xix) provides a “Quick Start Guide” to assessing the validity of a claim:
- Where is the claim presented? A peer-reviewed journal, a science-based magazine, an anonymous website or a chat group? The objectivity of a claim varies based on where it’s presented, so finding a proper source is important.
- Who is making the claim? A trained archaeologist, a trained scientist in a different field, a news broadcaster? Each of these people will have different levels of understanding of the material and may or may not relay the information properly.
- How does this person making the claim know and/or what evidence is presented? Most importantly, is the scientific method followed? The important takeaway here is that the claim must be based on observation and tested, not based on intuition or anything equally as intangible.
- Are other experts consulted and if so, how do they evaluate the claim? If most other scientists in the field are skeptical, or no other scientific support is given, it probably isn’t a strong claim.
- Is enough information given for you to make an informed decision on the claim’s legitimacy, or are you left with questions?
These questions will help you evaluate all sources and claims, not just archaeological ones. At the same time, they’re great guiding questions for how to craft your own valid arguments in whatever field you pursue.
Case Study
Up to this point, I’ve explained what public outreach and archaeology are, why they’re important, all the different ways you can go about it, and how to figure out which method is best. The following case study will show you how, in a real-life context, you might go about creating a public outreach project by breaking it down by these various elements. I’ll take you through the guiding questions to show how I arrived at my project idea, but you’ll notice that I had to ask myself a lot of additional questions as well. Each archaeological site is different, so outside of the four I’ve given you here you’ll have to listen to what the site and its participants are telling you they need.
Context/Goal
During a land development project in Duncan, BC, an archaeological site now known as Ye’yumnuts was discovered. Ye’yumnuts is a habitation site that was populated by the ancestors of the Cowichan tribe over three separate occupation periods. At the time of excavation, a multitude of amazing artifacts and features were found, including a jade adze sourced from hundreds of kilometers away in the Fraser Canyon, the imprint of a structure, and a pile of fire cracked rocks 10cm deep and 5m wide.
It took two decades of legal battles to protect this ancestral site, and now that it once again belongs to the Cowichan, they wanted to share the site as a source of inspiration for their youth and education for the broader community of Duncan. In particular, the Cowichan tribe wanted school curriculum developed about the site so that local schools could study local ancient history as opposed to that of far away, out of context places, like Egypt. A key element of this goal involved getting children excited in the archaeological findings, thus stimulating an appreciation for their peoples’ deep history. Whatever project that I created would be featured on the website Commemorating Ye’yumnuts.
At this point, I can answer a few guiding questions:
- What is my goal? Inspire Cowichan youth, educate the broader community of Duncan, BC, and get people excited about archaeology
- Whom do I know? Cowichan tribal members, administrators of a local school district, my professor who had been involved in the archaeology of the site
- Who is my audience? Settler and Cowichan community members of all ages, with special attention to students.
- What has already been done/what topics have already been covered? After taking a look at the site’s website, I saw that there were activities on artifacts, the history of the site since the beginning of time, legal battles, media analysis of news coverage, etc.
Because my passion in life is making archaeology fun, I decided to focus in on this particular goal to start my brainstorming. One of the gaps I found in the topics for which curricular material was already available was in the features; no one had talked about any of the features on the site yet, which was incredible because there were so many and they pose a lot of questions in terms of site functionality. The problem with this site and getting people excited about the archaeology of it, especially the features, is that you can no longer see the archaeology on the land. Once excavations were completed, the site was filled in. Now, it is a grassy area surrounded by a protective fence with interpretive signage looping around the site. So how do you get people excited about something abstract, something they can’t even see? The issue of invisibility told me I had to do something visual regarding the site’s features; I had to bring the site alive for my audience.
- What are my strengths? Unfortunately, nothing visual—my main strengths lie in my creative writing. However, I’m a quick learner and was determined to produce something unique and exciting for my student viewers. So, I decided to create a pre-fieldtrip tool to introduce students to the site and sat down at my laptop to start learning how to use Google Tour Creator.
It was time to make a virtual reality tour.
Knowledge Production
This outreach project was being done in collaboration with a local Indigenous group, so it was obvious I would be including their knowledge and interpretations of these archaeological features in my VR tour. There is much research circulating about the benefits of a landed methodology, which just means actually being in the land when you’re doing your work instead of being an armchair anthropologist because it provides you with a deeper, more embodied understanding. For example, at one of our visits to Ye’yumnuts our professor brought some of the artifacts back to the site and as I stood there holding the jade adze in my hand I was overwhelmed by how connected I felt to the site and to these past peoples to the extent that I began to tear up. Needless to say, this enhanced my drive to produce a quality outreach tool to get people as emotionally invested as I.
I decided to use Severin Fowles’ (2010) “comparative or cross-cultural phenomenological methodology” of collaboration in which the anthropologist walks the land with indigenous community members. The Cowichan elder I was working with, Luschiim, was unable to physically walk the land with me, so in lieu of the physical experience I showed him photos of the archaeological features and recorded his interpretations and related stories. However, I was able to walk the site with the lead archaeologist, Eric McLay, who provided rich archaeological data for me.
Google Tour Creator allows you to include one minute of audio, one photo, and up to 300 characters of text for each point of interest (in this case, each archaeological feature). While the photos were either photos of the archaeological feature itself or an archaeological reconstruction of what it may have looked like in use, I used the audio and text to blend the local conceptions of history with the archaeological evidence I gathered from my interviews. When possible I included commentary from both Luschiim and Eric in the same audio clip. When there was just too much good information from them both to fit it into one measly minute I tended to privilege audio clips of Luschiim and included the archaeological data in the text portion. I made this decision because I was conducting this project on behalf of the Cowichan tribe and this was their story to tell. Because the amount of information you can include in the VR tour is so limited, I also made an associated informational booklet for schoolteachers so they would have more background information to inform their lessons or answer the questions of curious students.
Benefits of VR
I just want to take a moment to really home in on what a powerful tool VR can be. As I’ve already mentioned, it’s perfect for making the invisible visible—in this case the hidden archaeological features. It also mimics place-based learning, since the whole concept is about making you feel like you’re somewhere you’re not. This makes it a great tool for students to get familiar with the site before arriving, it makes the site accessible to everyone everywhere, and it fosters a deeper emotional connection with the site. It’s also accessible in terms of cost; all you need is a smartphone and a cardboard VR viewer. The cardboard VR viewers from Google cost less than $10, which makes it a feasible classroom activity. Finally, VR is incredibly interactive, making it an engaging and effective method of learning.
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Jenna Hendrick received her B.A. in Anthropology and English from SUNY Binghamton and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Victoria. Currently, Jenna is both the producer of The Dirt—a podcast about archaeology, anthropology, and our shared human past—and the assistant archaeologist for Curtin Archaeological Consulting. Before working in CRM, Jenna excavated at Peyre Blanque, a Magdalenian open-air site in France, as well as dabbled in archaeological conservation. Her research interests include human evolution/human life in the Paleolithic, peoples' perceptions of the deep past/their “nature,” and communicating archaeology.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
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Learning Objectives
- Define and describe bioarchaeology
- Outline the major components of skeletal analysis
- Evaluate the interconnection of biology and culture in order to understand the past
- Discuss ethical and legal considerations in excavating and handling human remains
In celebration of Juneteeth in 2020, the Portsmouth African Burying Ground Stewardship Committee in Portsmouth, New Hampshire requested analyses of dental calculus, or hardened dental plaque, to reconstruct diet from the skeletal remains of individuals exposed during construction in 2003. The cemetery was actively used during the 1700s, when enslaved peoples were bought and sold along the city’s coastal docks. However, it was paved over as the city of Portsmouth expanded (Sammons and Cunningham, 2004). The construction project exposed the coffins of early Black Seacoast inhabitants, providing a rare look at the lives of individuals in bondage in the American colonies. The cemetery and associated memorial today serve as a symbol of Black history, legacy, and perseverance during the terror of slavery. While bioarchaeologists can examine the dental calculus or the skeletal remains of these peoples, bones and teeth alone do not tell a complete story. Physical remains and burial sites cannot be understood without appreciating their deeper context and personal meaning to stakeholders — in this case, the modern Black descendant community of Portsmouth today.
Thousands of miles away, as part of the Central Belize Archaeological Survey, bioarchaeologists excavated a uniquely shaped skull in the sweltering humidity of the Caves Branch Rock-shelter (CBR) in the jungles of Belize. Named simply Burial 99 by excavators, this individual was a Late Classic burial (CE 600 – CE 900) in a typically Late Preclassic / Protoclassic (300 BCE – CE 300) rock-shelter. The highly fragmented remains of Burial 99 laid next to a ceramic bowl, intermingled with the burials of others. Back in the lab, the individual was estimated to be an older female whose cranium had been intentionally shaped during childhood to appear more elongated. Head-shaping was commonly practiced among the urban Maya elite who buried their dead deep in caves rather than in rock-shelters. However, Burial 99 was the only individual with cranial-shaping in this space, possibly indicating that her geographic and social origins were quite different from that of the farming villagers she was buried with at the mortuary rock-shelter. It would take chemical, microscopic, and other advanced laboratory methods to reconstruct her life (and death) to demonstrate more broadly what her presence in the rock-shelter could mean about ancient Maya social dynamics (Biggs and Michael, 2017; Wrobel, 2018).
These examples demonstrate how bioarchaeologists can provide insight about past lives and experiences from a population and individual-level. Though far apart geographically and temporally, both rely on data from the human skeleton to expand inferences about human behavior in the past. Bioarchaeology is the study of human remains (e.g. bones, teeth, and mummified remains) from archaeological sites. It is a field of study that bridges two subdisciplines within anthropology– biological anthropology and archaeology (Figures 1 and 2).

The field of bioarchaeology is relatively new, the term being coined in 1977 by Dr. Jane Buikstra to referexclusively to the analysis of human remains. A bioarchaeologist is an expert in the analysis of human osteology (the study of bones) and odontology (the study of teeth), as well as the techniques and methods of mortuary excavation. While people have always been intrigued by the remains of the dead (as evidenced by the thousands of human skeletons in museum collections around the world), there has historically been little emphasis on studying humans from a biocultural context. The biocultural approach, or the study of humans through an understanding of the interconnectedness of biology, culture, and environment, is fundamental to bioarchaeology and indeed, to anthropology as a whole.

Integrating archaeological context into the study of human remains provides depth and cultural meaning to skeletal data. In bioarchaeology, context refers to the space, time, and culture within which the individual lived and died. The careful, contextualized interpretation of archaeological evidence alongside skeletal remains is integral in developing hypotheses and drawing inferences about humans of the past, including population dynamics, the human experience, and diverse adaptability of past societies.
The study of human skeletons can reveal information about diet, stress, and lifestyle of individuals. This in turn, contributes to our understanding of social organization, social/cultural identity, gender roles, structural violence, and much more. Studying regional disparities in past populations’ health and diets sheds light on how behavior and societies change over time. Such shifts include intensifying agricultural production, political unrest and upheavals, colonization, and the impacts of past climate change. This affords insights into the possible challenges posed by our modern climate change.
This chapter will provide an overview of the main contributions and methods of bioarchaeology and the study of human remains from the past. We will first explore how analyses of skeletons are conducted in the laboratory, then how recording demographic information (like age and sex), diet, disease, stress, and related forms of data contribute to how we interpret larger questions in anthropology like migration, social stratification, human-environment interaction, and many other themes by combining biological data with burial data.
Laboratory Analyses

Much of the research and data collection that a bioarchaeologist does happens inside the laboratory. Depending on the type of analyses being performed and the expertise of the bioarchaeologist, their laboratory may have long tables with padding to lay out a skeleton in anatomical position (bones positioned as they are in the living body), equipment like calipers and other tools to measure bones, scales to weigh samples, beanbags and cork rings to hold skulls in place, specialized lighting, and a portable camera studio setup (Figure 3).Other bioarchaeology labs may have chemical fume hoods for processing samples for isotopes, a digital light microscope, glass beakers or ceramic crucibles, petrographic saws often found in geology labs for making bone and tooth thin sections, hand-held saws, and shelves of archival boxes with human remains.
Many times, these labs also have corners or closets stuffed with archaeological field equipment like shovels, trowels, sieves, wooden dowels or bamboo sticks for excavating around bone, buckets, and personal protective equipment for recovering remains (Figures 1 and 2).
Some bioarchaeologists either work in labs or bring their samples to labs with electron microscopes, laser ablation, mass spectrometers, and other precision tools, and clean rooms full of DNA-extracting equipment. So, there is no one type of laboratory environment in which to find a bioarchaeologist since the techniques and methods used encompass skill sets and technology found in fields outside anthropology.
Table 1 - Proper Handling of Human Remains
DO |
DON’T |
---|---|
Handle remains with respect and dignity |
Objectify or treat remains as things to be studied or simple data sources |
Consult with families and descendant groups and, if possible, direct family members regarding cultural requirements for the care of remains. Follow all state and federal laws regarding archaeological work and human remains (36CFR). |
Remove remains without sufficient legal and ethical consideration and planning |
Use only padded surfaces to prevent damaging the remains |
Use irreversible preservatives or materials in reconstruction of remains (e.g. super glue, cement, wires, dowels, acryloids, permanent labeling) |
Always use two hands to hold and carry remains |
Desecrate remains by poking fingers in the skull openings or treating the remains as ornaments or objects |
Package in paper bags and acid-free boxes when first excavated and still damp from soil. When dry, store in watertight containers and out of direct sunlight |
Package remains in containers or bags that retain moisture (this can lead to mold or decay) |
Limit access to public to preserve physical remains and the dignity of the deceased |
Publicly display human remains without permission from the descendant community |
Photograph remains and obtain proper permissions if destructive analysis is undertaken |
Use invasive or destructive analytical methods without appropriate consultations of justification |
Keep a clean laboratory analysis space |
Consume food or drink where remains are stored |

The Human Skeleton
After human remains have been carefully excavated and brought to the laboratory, bioarchaeologists take photographs and inventory the remains (Figure 3; Table 1). The next step is to build a biological profile of the individual, which includes an estimation of age, sex, ancestry, and stature using skeletal and dental traits (Figure 4). Additionally, signs of disease, stress, growth deprivation, or other anomalies are recorded. Due to the antiquity of many sites, remains are often not complete or well-preserved. Bioarchaeologists use a combination of methods to generate ranges for age and stature or estimations (rather than determinations) of sex and ancestry. For instance, probability of sex or ancestry is calculated based on referring to the observations and measurements of thousands of skeletons, but can never be 100% known from skeletal analyses. Similarly, while dental eruption is a highly accurate way to estimate age from a child’s skeleton, there is enough individual variation and overlap in eruption ages, that an age range (e.g. saying "5 years ± 16 months" versus "6 years") is more likely to be accurate and account for unknown individual variability. It should also be understood that these methods are often population-specific. For example, several formulae exist for estimating stature from the length of long bones (such as those bones in the arms and legs), but these are dependent on estimation of sex and ancestry first to use the most accurate formula.
Bioarchaeology uses similar methods as forensic anthropology when reconstructing a biological profile. However, forensic anthropology focuses on modern human remains in medicolegal contexts that usually represent individuals who died less than 50 years ago. This chapter will not cover osteology or the methods of estimating the biological profile from the skeleton in detail as there are already many resources available. Students can refer to the free Open Access texts Explorations: An Open Invitation to Biological Anthropology (specifically Chapter 15 and Appendix A) or Introduction to Human Osteology for details on skeletal anatomy terms, bone formation, and methods to develop the biological profile. Other resources include eForensics and eSkeletons, which provide introductory information about methods used to reconstruct a biological profile.
Major Research Themes
Paleodemography

Once a biological profile is generated for a skeleton, bioarchaeologists can begin to assess the data for population-wide patterns. Paleodemography is the study of past population dynamics, including distributions of age and sex through time (Milner et al. 2008). Demographic reconstructions focus on vital statistics, such as life expectancy, probability of death at certain ages, mortality rates, and population size and density. Demographic analyses use hazard models, which are nonlinear mathematical functions that represent age-related changes in the risk of dying (Figure 5). Paleodemographers must deal with strong selection bias: not only are they working with the remains of those who did not survive, but they must remember that the vast majority of human remains decompose before archaeologists can recover them. Therefore, what they have they may not fully represent the demographics of the once-living population.
Mortuary Analysis
The dead do not bury themselves; it is the living who perform mortuary rituals for the dead. By investigating funerary sites, bioarchaeologists and mortuary archaeologists examine the context in which the individual was buried and attempt to reconstruct their social structure and individual identity through the interpretation of grave goods (objects included in the burial such as jewelry, weapons, pottery, etc.), skeletal remains, and funerary structures. This may mean examining:
- Burial positions (e.g., flexed, extended, or placed on one side)
- Burial locations (where is this individual in relation to others)
- Burial containers (e.g., were they wrapped in cloth, a wooden box, an embellished casket)
- Grave goods, seasonality of the burial
- Interment style (was it a primary burial, a cremation, a secondary burial where the individual has been moved since the initial burial)
- Burial area
All of these variables can reveal information about the deceased individual, the living persons who buried the dead, and the complex interplay of ritual, material culture, and social memory. See Digging Up the Dead for one student’s reflection on what she learned working at an archaeological field school at a 400-year-old cemetery in Poland.
For instance, during the analysis of Burial 99 from Belize, mentioned earlier, it became clear to bioarchaeologists that rock-shelters like those she was buried in were part of a large mortuary landscape. In the Maya world, the use of mortuary and ritual space is intentional and symbolic. Rock-shelters in Belize containing burials served as memorial stops along a path pilgrims would travel to memorialize their ancestors and legitimize boundaries of those in power. The placement of Burial 99 in the rock-shelter also represents a return to a ritual location that had been largely unused for burial for several hundred years prior. Therefore, understanding burial placement within archaeological landscapes can inform us about the ways people of the past constructed and used their environment, which reflect the sociopolitical and ritual dimensions of a society.
Taphonomy
Taphonomy in bioarchaeology refers to the study of the decomposition, modification, and alteration of a body after death but before the body's been recovered. The body can be affected by many environmental, biological, and cultural factors occurring after death (see examples at eForensics). A combination of extrinsic and intrinsic factors make each postmortem (after-death) event unique. Extrinsic factors are those external to the body, while intrinsic factors refer to the nature of the body itself (Table 2). Bioarchaeologists rely on taphonomic analyses to establish the time since death, distinguish human agents (e.g. trauma on the bone, ornamental modification of bones and teeth, and ritualized dismemberment with stone tools) from non-human agents (e.g., animals scavenging and river flows pushing bones), understand decomposition rates and patterns of disarticulation, identify variables in preservation, and reconstruct events and circumstances long prior to death (antemortem), at or around the time of death (perimortem), and after death (postmortem) (Stodder, 2008).
Table 2 - Taphonomic Factors
Intrinsic Factors |
Extrinsic Factors |
Body mass (as well as bone size and shape) Age Sex State at time of death (e.g. disease and trauma) |
Water Soil pH Temperature & Humidity Season of death Oxygen Biological interference of animals, insects & microbes Fluvial transport Human treatment/placement of the body (e.g., location of burial, grave typology, clothing, and chemical treatment) |
Scientists who study taphonomy also perform actualistic and experimental studies to understand the effects of intrinsic and extrinsic factors in various burial scenarios. Actualistic studies aim to experimentally reproduce various circumstances of burial and decomposition. Systematically observing, recording, and describing the impact of specific extrinsic factors on a body can generate diagnostic criteria to identify and interpret those same factors and circumstances in the past. Aside from actualistic studies, bioarchaeologists also rely on uniformitarian principles. Actualistic studies often take place in “body farms” like those in Tennessee or Texas, and are experiments involving human cadavers placed in various scenarios and environments So, the decomposition of bodies is examined to understand how factors such as climate differences; whether a body was clothed or unclothed; and whether a body was found in the trunk of a car, in a lake, in a cement block, scattered on the ground, or buried impact the recovery and analysis of the body. These principles are based on an understanding that natural phenomena that occur today are the same that occurred throughout the past. Understanding of the effects and processes involved in soil erosion allows bioarchaeologists to apply this knowledge to interpreting bone preservation, body positioning, etc. While environmental dispersion of remains is somewhat predictable, human dispersal is based on cultural beliefs, and thus to an outsider, may appear unpredictable; and this is exactly why a biocultural approach is necessary.
For example, many scholars have explored the markings on bones and patterns of placement of bones caused by animal scavenging, digestion, and human butchering practices in the past. Dr. Samantha Blatt and Dr. Amy Michael have applied knowledge from those studies to understanding coyote scavenging and to identifying digestion of human bone by coyotes and other canids so they can better comprehend why some bodies in forensic cases are not recovered.
While taphonomy is a fundamental part of bioarchaeology, there are still significant unknown intrinsic and extrinsic factors that may confuse even an experienced scientist. For instance, natural mummification often occurs in hot and arid environments, but can also happen in environments devoid of oxygen or in freezing temperatures. The discovery of Ötzi, also called "the Iceman," found frozen in the Ötztal Alps, on the border of Italy and Austria is a great example of this. His body was found by hikers in 1991 and was so well-preserved that both the hikers and experienced law enforcement officers believed him to be a missing person from modern times. However, radiocarbon dating revealed that he'd died between 3400 BCE and 3100 BCE. Law enforcement and forensic personnel were also the first on call in 1979, when a girl discovered a mummified torso in a burlap sack in a lava tube in the small town of Dubois, Idaho. The remains were unidentified until 2019 when Dr. Amy Michael, Dr. Samantha Blatt, and members of the DNA Doe Project used anthropology and forensic genetic genealogy to identify the man who was known as Joseph Henry Loveless. (For more on this project, see Identification of a decedent in a 103-year-old homicide case using forensic anthropology and genetic genealogy or He Escaped from Jail…a Century Ago.) Loveless’s mummified and headless remains had gone unidentified for more than 40 years despite attempts by anthropologists, local law enforcement, and the FBI. Because the taphonomic factors in the cave were largely unknown, it was difficult to determine at first when the man had died. Incredibly, Loveless was found to have died in 1916, nearly 60 years before his mummified remains were recovered in the cave. In this case, the cave environment acted to preserve the remains (including the DNA used in his eventual identification). See the Special Topics boxes below on Weathering and Staining, Cremains, and Commingled Remains for additional examples of how taphonomic processes affect bioarchaeology.
Special Topics - Weathering and Staining
Bone weathering, or the chemical or mechanical deterioration of bone, is one of the most commonly observed taphonomic changes (see Fernandez-Jalvo and Andrews, 2016 for more on taphonomic alterations). Weathering can appear as sun bleaching, cracking, flaking, warping, and/or erosion. Weathering is often scored on a scale of zero to five and varies based on sun exposure, wet/dry, and freeze/thaw cycles. If a body decomposes on the soil surface, the exposed bones will show progressive cracking and whitening with time, and eventually display deep splinters, exfoliation and splintering on the bone surface. By contrast, a body that has been buried may decompose more slowly and the bone can become stained by the surrounding soil. Bone that has been interred for an extended time tends to show uniform coloration, while bones buried only briefly show substantial variations in the same colors (Pokines et al. 2022). It is possible for both sun bleaching and soil staining to occur unevenly across the body or on a single bone, thus providing clues to how the body or bone was placed or moved. Sometimes bone can appear very white due to other circumstances. Calcine bones, which are white due to heat exposure, can be mistaken as sun bleached bones. Similarly, culturally-based mortuary practices may impart differential weathering to the bones. Some cultures’ funeral rites include preparing the bones of the deceased by stripping the flesh from bone, followed by degreasing the remaining bones. This results in a similar bleaching of the bones, though not due to sun exposure.

Root etching is a common taphonomic modification that is recognized as shallow grooves or discolored tracks on the bone surface (Figure 6). These tracks are etched by the growth and decay of plant roots adjacent to the bone. As these roots grow and decay, various acids are produced which dissolve the mineral parts of the bone in direct contact with the growing root systems. Pine needles can cause a similar taphonomic effect, though in less organized lines. Algae and moss can grow on bone exposed to the surface and can leave green discoloration, the stain resulting from the chlorophyll of the plant and plant allies. Damage caused by insects (e.g., wasps, termites, and beetles) can also mimic root etching.

Cupric staining refers to a staining of bone resulting from copper or copper alloys (e.g. bronze and brass). This type of emerald green or even blue staining, along with staining from other metals like iron (anywhere from a red/orange color to green, blue, or black coloration) and mercury (usually a gray/bluish or black color), is the result of the corrosion of metals, found in jewelry, clothing rivets, coffin hardware, or weapons adjacent to the body (Figure 7). Indeed, the Latin term for copper, cuprum, gave us the chemical symbol Cu. Sometimes these corroding alloys help preserve other burial objects such as textiles. A red stain on the bone can also be the result of red ochre being applied to the body during burial. Red ochre, a natural clay earth pigment, has been used in mortuary practices around the world for thousands of years.
Less is known about the taphonomy of teeth, which are assumed to be less susceptible to taphonomic processes than bone since they are more mineralized and less likely to decompose. However, teeth and other dental tissues are still vulnerable to mechanical damage, including breakage, as well as heat damage. There has been some documentation of these dental tissues absorbing chemicals or being affected by the pH of the surrounding soils (Blatt et al. 2019). Dental tissues and dental restoration materials (e.g. fillings made from amalgam, composite, or porcelain) also show variable damage to corrosives, natural or man-made, and can soften or be completely dissolved in acidic soils.
Special Topics - Cremains

Heating and thermal damage to bones and teeth have dramatic effects and are well studied. Cremation is a common mortuary practice around the world and throughout time. Cremation can utilize different technologies and thus may result in anything from a lightly heated or cooked bone to very fragmented bones, or in the modern Western world, bone that has been ground to ash. Unlike today, where modern cremation equipment results in crushing and grinding bones into small fragments and powder, many cremation practices not involving modern methods result in much larger skeletal elements at the end of the process. The source of heat, temperature, proximity to the heat source, and duration of heat exposure greatly influence the damage to the bone. For instance, a modern crematorium can reach temperatures of 1000 degrees C, while a campsite fire may reach half that temperature. Archaeologically, bones exposed to heat can preserve well, like those of the remains of humans from Pompeii who died during the volcanic eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in AD 79. The decomposed remains at Pompeii left a void of air under the ash layer that covered the bodies, allowing archaeologists to make plaster casts of the bodies encasing bones (Figure 8).
An understanding of tissue and bone depth in different areas of the body is essential for interpreting sequence and events, such as body placement or dismemberment, prior to a cremation. Bones in the body that are shallow to skin and muscle, such as fingers or the cranial vault, will burn before deeper set bones such as those of the joints. Some cultural practices involve dismembering the body, or cutting the body apart much as one would butcher an animal for food. In these cases, the joint surfaces of some bones may be exposed to heat before other areas. The bioarchaeologist must consider the placement of the body and body parts in proximity to the heat source, as well as if the bone was fleshed, green (i.e. defleshed, but not dry), or dry when exposed to heat. Additionally, certain types of cracking, fracturing, warping, and/or shrinkage of bones serve as criteria for interpreting the burning event (Pokines et al. 2022).
Case Study:

On the smallest of the Cook Islands, Mangaia, human skeletal remains representing hundreds of individuals were found burned and deposited in a rock-shelter midden with other animal remains between AD 1390-1470 (Steadman et al. 2000). The question that arose for bioarchaeologists was, why? What happened on Mangaia? Analysis of the bones by Dr. Samantha Blatt, then an undergraduate student, revealed part of the story. From the brown, tan, and black color of most of the bones, most showed evidence of cooking or burning at lower temperatures without direct exposure to a heat source. Bones heated at high temperatures and those unfleshed can change from brown to black and then to white coloration, known as calcined. The bones represented males and females of all ages, treated in the same manner as animals when they are consumed: deposited and commingled in a midden within a rock-shelter. The pattern of burning suggested that the bodies had been butchered and the most utilitarian parts, with the highest yield of muscle tissue, exhibited the greatest exposure to heat. Most bones also appeared to have been fleshed when burned from the patterns of fragmentation and cracking on the bone surface. Other sites on the island showed cut marks that appeared to be made by humans on human bones. Tying in historical context, it is possible that a change in chiefdoms along with environmental strain resulted in the killing of a group on the island and the bodies were burned, perhaps through use of low heat earth ovens, and possibly even consumed.
Like Mangaia, other Polynesian islands have shown archaeological evidence of intense internal competition for food and other resources and intensified production systems that exceeded the capacity of resources on an island. There are also ethnographic records noting the increased intergroup aggression, raiding, and warfare among people of the island in different geographic regions. Mangaia itself was divided into six districts spreading from the coastline and each meeting at the volcano at the center of the island (Figure 9). Archaeological sites in all districts have shown a significant change in vertebrate consumption through time. While initial isotopes from human bone were interpreted to indicate a cannibalistic diet, more recent analyses suggested a diet of fish and terrestrial animals, but not necessarily cannibalism. The increased nitrogen levels found in human bones may also have been related to nutritional stress, but do not rule out nutritive cannibalism (cannibalism practiced for nutritional need) (Barca et al. 2016).
Want to learn more about analysis of burned human bone? Explore the resources here.
Special Topics - Commingled Remains

Commingling is the mixing of whole or fragmented remains of two or more individuals into a single context (Figure 10). Commingling can result from multiple taphonomic processes, such as animal scavenging or intentional depositing by humans, which can occur in singular events or in longer-term, repeated episodes, depending on the cultures’ funeral practices. Commingling can also happen unintentionally in a lab or in curated collections that lacked context upon acquisition or lost context and excavation documents at some point after a museum had acquired the specimens.
Taphonomic processes aside, long-term assemblages are usually the result of the continued use of a burial space by communities. Primary burials are those which remain in situ from the time the body was first deposited. Whether intentional or accidental, secondary burials happen when remains are exhumed or moved and then reburied. Sometimes the presence or absence of small bones, like those in the hands, can be used to identify whether an assemblage is the result of a primary or secondary burial. This is because, as bones are removed from one location to another in a secondary burial, smaller bones may be lost or not recovered during the transfer. In primary burials, these small bones are more likely to be present and discovered by archaeologists.
Episodic assemblages can be the result of mass burials, whether because of plagues, warfare, sacrifices, or any event that results in the death of multiple individuals in one time period. This can be in a single incident, such as a flood or battle, or in recurring incidents, such as in cases of plague or diseases. Therefore, these episodic assemblages tend to have less commingling than longer-term assemblages. Additionally, the representativeness of the bones or demography of the assemblage on the whole can be more limited. For example, an assemblage resulting from warfare may exclusively contain young adult males with evidence of skeletal trauma. An assemblage resulting from a plague, which is more likely to affect the very young and the very old, may not be representative of typical population demographics. Fear of the spread of a disease could also mean the individuals were given minimal rites and burials without grave goods, coffins, or any sign of their rank in society. Often, this fear results in hurried burials in preexisting pits or mass graves that differ from general burials.
The first step to understanding the extent of commingling is to create an inventory of all the bones present in the assemblage. From skeletal inventories, the minimum number of individuals (MNI) and/or minimum number of elements (MNE) can be calculated. First, special care must be taken to identify the side of the body from which each bone comes. The size and skeletal maturation of bones can be used to determine the approximate age(s) of the skeleton(s) at death. Skeletal maturation refers to using multiple lines of evidence, such as the fusion of the epiphyses of long bones, to estimate how old an individual was at death. It is important to remember that, while skeletal maturation occurs at a predictable rate, it does not directly correspond to calendrical age. Thus, two different 15-year-olds may show very different levels of skeletal maturation, despite being the same age. Likewise, any pathological lesions from chronic diseases, like syphilis, or traumatic injuries, like a broken, but healed, arm, should be noted, as these patterns may help in pairing disarticulated skeletal elements.
In the simplest of methods, the number of the most abundant bone type is equal to the MNI (Figure 11). Consider an assemblage that consists of twelve right and eight left femora, eight right and ten left humerii, and ten right and eight left radii. In this case, the MNI would be twelve based on the presence of the right femur of twelve individuals (since people only have one right femur each). Alternatively, the number of paired bones from bilateral elements can be added into this calculation. One issue with this method is that fragmented or damaged bone may limit the ability to pair elements.

If fragmented elements are included, minimum number of elements, or MNE, becomes an increasingly important method, which may involve zonation of identifiable fragments by bone morphology and division of fragments according to location in the body. For fragmented collections, it is generally the MNE that is needed to account for the fragments forming specific types of bones. Like MNI, size, side, cut marks, taphonomy, or particular anatomy can help indicate which fragments may be part of the same whole bone. In some cases, this is a fraction (e.g. three vertebrae needed to account for an assemblage, 24 in an individual, so 3/24 might be the MNE). A common derived metric of MNE is MNE/MNI, which indicates how many of that bone is found relative to how many you would expect to find if the MNI were actually the number of animals or humans contributing to the assemblage. In some studies, image analysis and GIS software are used to count overlapping fragments.
Disease
Paleopathology is the study of diseases in the past. By analyzing data at the population, rather than individual, level, paleopathologists are able to theorize about the interplay between disease and other social phenomena. Thus, activity patterns, living environments, injuries, and social rank/roles can be added into the interpretation of skeletal markers of disease. Pathologies of the skeleton can be divided into eight categories (see Table 3). Grauer (2011) provides a detailed overview of pathological conditions in the human skeleton.
Table 3 - Categories of Skeletal Disease
Pathology |
Cause |
Examples |
Traumas |
Accidental injury or intentional violence, cosmetic, therapeutic. Result from outside force. |
Cranial shaping, foot binding, fractures, blunt and sharp force trauma, high velocity projectile trauma, thermal alteration (Figure 12) ![]() |
Congenital Diseases |
Developmental or genetic. |
Cleft lip and palate, abnormal curvature of the spine (kyphosis and scoliosis), club foot |
Infectious Diseases |
Long term infections from bacteria, viruses, or parasites. |
Causes osteoblastic (bone growth) or osteoclastic (bone loss) responses. Leprosy, osteomyelitis, treponemal diseases (syphilis, pinta, yaws and bejel), dental caries (Figure 13) ![]() |
Circulatory Diseases |
Disruption in normal blood circulation can result in osteonecrosis (bone death) or disrupted growth. |
Hematopoietic disorders or anemias |
Metabolic Diseases |
Nutritional stress or malnutrition of macro- or micro-nutrients. |
Scurvy (vitamin C deficiency), rickets (vitamin D deficiency in children), osteomalacia (intestinal malabsorption of calcium in adults) (Figure 14) ![]() |
Endocrinological Diseases |
Abnormal skeletal growth related to issues with the pituitary and thyroid glands. |
Gigantism, acromegaly, or conversely pituitary dwarfism |
Neoplastic Diseases |
Proliferation of cells in bone, cartilage, fibrous tissue, or blood vessels. |
Malignant, or cancerous, tumors affecting bone are either carcinomas or sarcomas, depending on what type of tissue they originate from. Sarcomas develop in bone and muscle, while carcinomas arise in epithelial tissue associated with many organs. The identification of types of tumor in bone depends on histological examination of the tumor |
Dental Diseases |
Multiple causes such as diet, oral bacteria, food processing, other stressors. |
Caries (cavities), ante-mortem (prior to death) tooth loss, wear (attrition, abrasion, and erosion), periodontal disease, calculus, hypoplasia, and hypocalcification (Figure 15) ![]() |
Complicating interpretations, the modern understanding of health and disease states cannot be directly imposed on the peoples of the past. Not all diseases have skeletal correlates, and not all individuals respond to disease processes in similar manners.
Today, bioarcheologists use the term health to include not only disease, but also stress. Health refers to the overall well-being of an individual, including emotional and mental health, which cannot be determined from skeletal remains alone. Stress refers to the physiological disruptions from homeostasis, or the normal functioning of the body. The immediate rush of adrenaline in the stress response alters the functioning of the body, though long-term exposure to this “adrenaline rush” can have cumulative effects on the body. This long-term stress response is called the allostatic load, or the long-term elevated or fluctuation endocrine responses related to stress. This allostatic load, if sufficiently severe and long-term, can impair cellular functions in the bones and teeth, resulting in pathologies that can be observed by trained bioarchaeologists. For a video introduction to these ideas, see “Reconciling ‘Stress’ and ‘Health’ in Bioarchaeology”.
Bioarchaeologists can only assess issues of health and stress in a limited capacity for two reasons:
- Not all diseases and pathologies result in skeletal correlates
- Not all bones are recovered from any given individual or site

Bioarchaeological assessment, while limited to recovered remains, is underpinned by knowledge about how individuals typically respond to stress, interpretations of skeletal deformities or lesions, and an understanding of the healing process. However, skeletal tissue has a general response to issues of health and stress, making the diagnosis of specific causes or pathogens difficult (Figure 16). To further complicate interpretations, the skeleton has a limited number of responses to diseases, and so multiple disease states may result in the same deformities. Bioarchaeologists document the type and distribution of bone lesions to create a differential diagnosis of which specific disease processes may have been present.
Initially, bioarchaeologists studying disease in the skeleton interpreted the presence of bony lesions as direct evidence that an individual suffered from a disease, while the absence of lesions indicated that they were healthy (see examples of skeletal pathologies and traumas at Digitized Diseases and FOROST).
In the 1990s, osteologists and paleodemographers began to realize that inferences based on this binary approach to disease were flawed. Bioarchaeologists named this problem the osteological paradox, or the reality that individuals without lesions may have been more ill than those with observable lesions (Wood et al., 1992; Wright and Yoder, 2003). Because it takes time for bone tissue to react to disease, individuals without lesions may have suffered acutely from a disease and died before any skeletal reaction could occur. Conversely, those with skeletal lesions had a normal bodily response to disease, and thus may have been successfully fighting off the disease. Indeed, the cause of death may have been entirely unrelated, such as a traumatic injury or homicide. Confounding this issue is the fact that it is difficult for osteologists to identify hidden heterogeneity, or the predisposed frailty of an individual to disease and stress due to genetics or other aspects of lifestyle.
Though bioarchaeologists have studied infectious epidemics and plagues in the past for decades, the COVID-19 pandemic certainly brought to light the value of such research in the modern world. Specifically, bioarchaeologists have contributed to understanding infectious diseases that originated and spread among ancient peoples. For instance, they can document patterns in the age distributions of cemeteries during previous epidemics. The 1918 flu pandemic, for example, caused the highest mortality among young adults, while COVID-19 has targeted older and more vulnerable groups. Studying the plagues of the past gives clues about the impact of socioeconomic and infrastructure factors, hygiene and social-distancing practices, medical waste practices of cultural material to inform environmental practices, and the evolutionary development of globalized diseases today. What do you think the archaeology of COVID-19 will reveal?
Markers of Activity and Stress
Mechanically demanding activities can leave distinctive marks on bone, especially those of a repetitive nature (e.g. rowing and sewing). Table 4 provides examples of some of the most frequently recorded features in the skeleton used to make inferences about activities and stress in life. These markers of activity can give insight into aspects of gender, socioeconomic class, social status, occupation, and more, including interpopulation comparisons and comparisons through time. Bone is dynamic and adaptable tissue, constantly being broken down and reformed in response to mechanical loads placed upon it. Generally, activity makers fall into two categories; degenerative and biomechanical.
Degenerative activity markers result from activity (or a lack thereof), such as osteoarthritis, in which bone and cartilage wears away with age and use, impacting movement (Figure 17). On the other hand, biomechanical markers, or those that modify the shape and structure of bones through function/use and motion generally build, rather than wear away bone. Entheses are a good example of biomechanical markers on bone. An enthesis in this sense is the location on a bone where a muscle attaches and therefore the size and shape of an enthesis can indicate regular body movements and associated occupations. Unlike bone, however, teeth do not have a cycle of repair, so their activity markers are permanent and occur only during fetal development and the first few years of life. Some studies have linked arduous labor to bone conditions, like osteoarthritis, but more recent work (Rando & Waldron 2012) has failed to support this in modern populations. Currently, bioarchaeologists do not link the conditions seen in bones to specific activities, but rather associate them with lifestyle factors such as kneeling a lot while working, which could be associated with kneeling while grinding grain on a ground stone in preparation for eating.
Table 4 - Skeletal Markers of Stress and Activity
Skeletal Marker |
Appearance |
Cause |
Type of Marker |
Entheses |
Bone remodeling or resorption (size and shape changes) at site where muscle attached to bone |
Habitual strain and loading on bone at sites of muscle attachments. Variation due to sex, age, diet, body size, genetics, and health |
Activity (Biomechanical) |
Dental Wear |
Loss of enamel on tooth crown and exposure of dentine tissue underneath. |
Attrition — tooth-on-tooth contact (grinding teeth from stress, tooth overcrowding in mouth); Abrasion — contact of teeth with dietary (food texture or preparation) or nondietary objects (smoking pipes, labrets); Erosion — chemicals such as acidic foods or stomach acids |
Activity (Degenerative) |
Osteoarthritis |
Osteophytes — marginal lipping (Figure 17). ![]() Eburnation — smooth, shiny joint surface Pitting and porosity of joints |
Progressive degeneration of joint surfaces due to loss of cartilage and bone-on-bone contact |
Activity (Degenerative) |
Harris Lines |
Thick white lines visible in radiographs of long bones (Figure 18)
![]() |
Cessation of bone growth in childhood due to many physiological and psychological stressors |
Stress |
Fluctuating Asymmetry |
Left and right teeth of the same class vary in size from each other |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) during tooth development |
Stress |
Linear Enamel Hypoplasia |
Linear bands around the circumference of a tooth crown (Figure 19)
![]() |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) during tooth development causing decreased, slowed, or flawed mineralization of enamel tissue |
Stress |
Porotic Hyperostosis |
Small holes or porosity on the vault of the skull (Figure 20)
![]() |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) that usually occur in childhood Can be associated with anemia and hematopoietic disorders |
Stress |
Cribra Orbitalia |
Small holes or porosity on the roofs of the eye orbits (Figure 21) |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) that usually occur in childhood Can be associated with anemia and hematopoietic disorders |
Stress |
Periostitis |
New bone formation with a porous appearance on any bones, but commonly observed in long bones of the limbs |
Non-specific stressors (multiple factors) throughout life Lesion resulting from inflammation of the periosteum (the membranous sheath covering the outer surface of bone) |
Stress |

Growth and Development
Other features of the skeleton can allow bioarchaeologists to make inferences about the impact of stress and disease on the skeletons of children during growth. Studying the remains of children from the past allows archaeologists to measure the impact of stress (both physical and psychological) on those remains. This information can be combined with other types of archaeological evidence to build a picture of the stressors affecting peoples of the past. Understanding how stress during growth impacts the appearance and later health of adults is important for understanding paleodemographic patterns and, ultimately, the evolutionary adaptations different populations utilize. Lengths and widths of long bones have been used to estimate the physiological age of children. "Physiological age" refers to the maturity of body structures, rather than a specific reference to time (chronological age). Conversely, age estimation from the eruption or development of teeth provides a more accurate chronological age in terms of ranges of days, months, and years. Assessing the age of individuals in this way allows growth rate and delays in growth to be examined in cultural context. Some researchers have used the frequency of stress markers in childhood, such as linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) in teeth, along with the presence of periosteal reactions, cribra orbitalia, and porotic hyperostosis that appear on the skeleton, to predict mortality in adulthood. Studies have shown that individuals with more LEHs (or earlier forming LEHs) who experienced stress during childhood tend to die earlier than those individuals exhibiting fewer LEHs (Temple, 2014). You can practice analyzing skeletal stress in the third activity listed in Additional Exercises at the end of this chapter.
Diet and Migration
Reconstructing past diets can provide additional context for evaluating the effects of nutrition on growth, development, stress, and disease. There are many ways to study paleodiets archaeologically; you can analyze the plant and animal remains from sites, the microwear related to food processing on tools, the coprolites (fossilized feces), and the residue from pottery and ground stones. However, these methods do not demonstrate the effect of food processing (grinding, cooking, fermenting, etc.) on growth and development. This is made more complicated by the general lack of plant and animal remains at gravesites.
Chemical analyses using isotopes from bones and teeth has become a standard practice in bioarchaeology (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003; Jaouen and Pons 2017). Isotopes are atoms that are of the same element but have differing atomic masses. Atomic mass is the number of protons plus the number of neutrons, but the chemical properties of an atom are determined by the number of protons alone. Thus, isotopes are two atoms of the same element (same number of protons), but with differing numbers of neutrons. In archaeology, the most commonly used isotopes are carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, strontium, and sulfur. Bioarchaeologists can examine isotope ratios in hair, teeth, bone, and fingernails. Using stable isotopes, or isotopes that are not highly radioactive, bioarchaeologists can study issues of disease, cultural affiliation, migration, and diet. Because you literally are what you eat, carbon and nitrogen levels in bone protein (mostly collagen) and bone minerals (hydroxyapatite) reflect what plant, animal, and fish sources were consumed by the individual. However, bone is constantly being built and destroyed by the skeletomuscular system, so these analyses only reveal what was eaten in the last decade of life. Unlike bone, dental tissues do not remodel after growth in childhood; therefore isotopes from teeth archive childhood diets, when tooth formation was active. When ratios in teeth are compared to ratios of the same elements in bones, it can show changes in diet over the individual’s lifespan. Studies of migration and provenience use the oxygen and hydrogen isotopes that occur in drinking water. Because oxygen ratios vary by region, the rates in bone reflect the region the individual lived in or traveled to near the time of their death, while these same ratios in teeth reflect the region of drinking water during their growth in early life.

Another innovative way that bioarchaeologists may study diet is from dental surfaces. Researchers have analyzed the textures and depths of micro-scratches on the chewing surfaces of teeth to identify hard or soft food consumption. The calcified dental plaque (dental calculus) on the enamel is another direct means of examining diet (Figure 22). It was in this way that bioarchaeologists were approached by the Portsmouth African Burying Ground Stewardship Committee in New Hampshire to examine phytoliths in dental calculus from the skeletons recovered. The stakeholders of the project were particularly interested in understanding the rich cultural history of certain foods and meals for modern African Americans. Bioarchaeologists can scrape calculus from teeth and, through a series of washes and different microscopy methods, identify food particles and other items like fibers and bacteria. When eating plants, silica micro-fossils from plant tissue, called phytoliths, can become embedded in the enamel and dental calculus. These phytoliths are morphologically variable, allowing not only the type of plant to be identified, but also the specific tissue of the plant that was consumed. Similarly, pollen, starch, and diatoms (single-celled algae like plankton) can also be identified in dental calculus, opening up a new world of examining both the living and burial environment of the individual.
Special Topics - Isotopes and Migration
In 2013, a human skull was handed over to Dr. Samantha Blatt (a common occurrence for a bioarchaeologist). The skull had been in the possession of the Idaho State Historic Preservation Office for a number of years, but had not yet been analyzed. Unfortunately, there was little information about the context of the discovery, the time period of the remains, and the cultural affinity of the remains. It is not uncommon for bioarchaeologists to receive remains from all over the world that were used as ornamental pieces or for private collections without documentation, therefore the skull was analyzed to help bring this information to light.
The skull appeared archaeological based on dental attrition and was later dated using radiocarbon to CE 1300 to CE 1415. Using biological profile methods, the individual was estimated to be a middle-aged female and likely of Native American descent. At this point, Dr. Blatt notified the state archaeologist and contacted regional Indigenous groups for consultation and repatriation.
Most notably, the skull was covered in a red pigment with hairs attached. Dr. Blatt and her colleagues (Watkins et al. 2017) analyzed the chemical structure of the pigment and the microscopic identity of the hairs, conducted mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis from a sample of bone and dental calculus, and compared the carbon and oxygen isotope ratios from bone and tooth samples.
The analyses revealed that two different kinds of hairs were distinguishable. One of the hair types was identified as human, while the others were most consistent with the hairs of sheep, deer, or dog. The pigment on the skull was analyzed using scanning electron microscopy (SEM), energy dispersive spectroscopy (EDS), and micro X-ray fluorescence (XRF). The EDS results indicated that the pigment was mercy sulfide or cinnabar. Unfortunately, since cinnabar chemistry has not been thoroughly sourced around the globe, trace elements could not be used to place the origins of the cinnabar. Results of the mtDNA analysis indicated that the DNA was poorly preserved. However, amplification of the sample revealed that the individual carried a 9 bp deletion, indicating that the individual was indeed Native American. Still, Dr. Blatt did not know which tribe or region the individual came from. After the results indicated the general origins of the skull, bioarchaeologists and state archaeologists repatriated the remains to Indigenous descendants of the region closest to where the remains were believed to be found (refer to section about NAGPRA below).
The isotopic carbon values indicated that C3 plants and salmon were likely a large part of the individual’s diet. The oxygen isotopes of the teeth and bone in the samples differed. The bone had significantly lower carbon and oxygen values, indicating that this individual had migrated from a different location early in early life. The oxygen isotopic values from the teeth suggested that the individual had ingested water from a high latitude or altitude, beyond the archaeological evidence of their having lived on the highest peak in Idaho. These oxygen values from the teeth and bones, though they varied, both suggested that the individual had ingested water from a range of locations north of Idaho, such as in Canada, Alaska (in early life), and even higher in the Rockies (later in life). These data were unexpected, but underscored the need for and value of using multiple analyses in bioarchaeology.
Taphonomy of starches from dental calculus has given clues to food processing and the heating of foods. Researchers even study the DNA from oral bacteria in dental calculus to understand the impact of disease and coevolution with changes in diet and subsistence practices. One of the first studies examining dental calculus in humans from an archaeological site (Blatt et al. 2011) found bacteria, phytoliths, and cotton fibers in calculus from prehistoric Ohio. Interestingly, cotton cannot grow in Ohio! In order for these people to have had cotton in Ohio, they would have had to trade with other people in a different region where cotton could grow or travel there themselves. This discovery from the calculus had implications for early trade routes and crafting practices in prehistoric populations.
Aside from the dietary uses of isotopes, they can also inform bioarchaeologists about geographic origins and migrations of individuals. Dr. Lesley Gregoricka and colleagues (2014) at the University of South Alabama, used strontium isotopes in the dental enamel to test the geographic origins of six individuals believed to be vampires, buried in a Polish cemetery dating to the 17th and 18th centuries. Villagers had placed iron sickles across their necks and stones below their jaws. These items are apotropaic or symbols of a vampire burial — they were an attempt to prevent the "undead" from reawakening and biting another victim. These "vampires" were not those portrayed in film (though they inspired such portrayals) — they were individuals who would have been feared as monstrous and/or suspected of taboo behavior. Dr. Gregoricka and her coworkers (2014) found that all of the individuals marked as "vampires" in the cemetery were local to the region, so while it is not likely they were feared because they were unknown foreigners, they could have been some of the first villagers to die of cholera, which was believed to have supernatural causes at the time.
Listen to Dr. Gregoricka on this NPR interview discussing her research or read the article here.
In bioarchaeology, the transition from foraging (hunting and gathering) to agricultural (farming) communities has been examined across the globe. Of particular interest is how the diets of farmers resulted in disease and stress reactions, which varied from the impact of foragers' diets. In North America, increased consumption of maize has often been correlated with an increase in dental disease and infectious diseases simultaneously accompanying a more sedentary lifestyle. Consumption of certain foods, like maize versus meats, have also been shown to distinguish the diets of males and females (implying gendered differences), members of social and ethnic classes, and age or life stage at some sites. Conversely, consumption of rice in the agricultural communities of Southeast Asia, did not have the same impact on dental health and increased dental cavities as maize or corn did elsewhere (Halcrow et al., 2013). So, bioarchaeologists seek to understand foodways in order to capture aspects of culture and lived experiences within context, but also comparatively.
NAGPRA and a History of Ethics in Bioarchaeology
In the United States and other countries, archaeologists who recover, curate, or study human remains and funerary artifacts do so while abiding by state and federal laws aimed to protect the civil and spiritual legacies of descendant communities. But these laws have not always existed. In the late 19th century, the cultural and biological remains of Native Americans were often looted and put on display or sold without consideration of how Indigenous peoples were harmed by these actions. During that time, museums like the Smithsonian Institute, the Army Medical Museum, and the American Museum of Natural History were opening and competition grew among them to fill their exhibit halls and storage shelves. Most of these artifacts were obtained by anthropologists or untrained archaeologists.

The founders of American anthropology played unfortunate roles in perpetuating the disregard for Indigenous remains under the guise of their own cultural and temporal biases. For instance, Franz Boas, the “father of American anthropology,” not only bought and sold Native American remains, but also helped orchestrate the invasive study of living Indigenous peoples. At the request of Boas, Lieutenant Robert Peary brought six Inuit from Greenland to New York City in September of 1897, to live at the American Museum of Natural History. Thousands of visitors to the museum paid a quarter to view them. Within a few weeks, the Inuit began to get sick. By February 1898, they began to die from tuberculosis. Within eight months only two Inuit had survived, one an orphaned boy named Minik (Figure 23).
Minik remained in New York and was adopted by the museum superintendent. When Minik's father died, the museum staff and Boas staged a mock funeral in Central Park. There was no body buried; instead Minik’s father was dissected and his remains were stored at the museum. Minik later learned the truth about his father’s remains through newspaper articles and demanded the return of his father’s body. Many years later, in 1992, the body of Minik’s father was returned to Greenland, but was met with hesitation by some of the Inuit who did not venerate, but rather reviled dead bodies. Reburial and return of remains in this case called for an individualized approach to the situation, an approach that was beginning to be realized among all anthropologists in North America at the time.
Civil Rights and the Road to NAGPRA
In the early 1970s, Native American groups sparked a civil rights movement in response to the long history of looting and destruction of the cultural and biological remains of Indigenous peoples. Among many others fighting for protection of Indigenous rights at this time, Maria Pearson protested the unequal treatment of Native American remains compared to those of white Americans being uncovered during road construction in Glenwood, Iowa. The remains of the white Americans were immediately reburied, while those of the Native Americans were sent for study. Her activism following this incident led to the passage of the Iowa Burials Protection Act in 1976. This was the first legislative act passed in the United States specifically protecting Native American remains. Her work started a cascade effect in legislature and anthropological acknowledgment of the civil rights of Native Americans regarding their cultural and biological remains.
In 1986, the Society for American Archaeology devised the Statement Concerning the Treatment of Human Remains, which prompted the need for communication and understanding among archaeologists and Indigenous peoples. In 1986 (updated in 2021), the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation outlined six principles regarding the treatment of human remains and grave goods, and this included the consideration of preserving rather than excavating burials, treatment of remains during study, and reburial or repatriation on a case-by-case basis. In 1989, the World Archaeological Congress adopted clauses concerning the science and treatment of human remains put forth by the Vermillion Accord developed by archaeologists and Indigenous peoples together. Many federal laws seeking to preserve and protect archaeological artifacts had been enacted and revised prior to and during this time period. For example, the 1970 UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) conventions also sought to regulate the import and export of cultural objects in museums and public institutions and the return of objects. Yet, it was not until 1990 that the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) was passed.
NAGPRA requires federal agencies and institutions that receive federal funding to return Native American cultural items to their descendants and culturally affiliated tribes (Table 5). “Cultural items” include human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects that have ongoing cultural significance that can be shown to have lineal descent. This law requires that agencies holding such remains provide inventories and written summaries of their holdings and consult with descendant populations to agree upon the repatriation, or the return and disposition of the artifacts and remains. NAGPRA provides guidance for repatriation, the long-term care of items, and federal funding. Agencies must work to establish the cultural affiliation of a descendant population with artifacts or remains. Once cultural affiliation is established, those descendant groups are granted the final determination about the disposition of the artifacts and remains. Cultural affiliation is established based on overall examination of historic and prehistoric evidence of group identity including biological, archaeological, linguistic, and oral tradition to a geographic area. Any claim considered “reasonable” is valid as it is recognized that claimants may face an unfair or impossible task into absolutely proving their connection with cultural items. In this respect, historic and archaeological gaps in knowledge about Indigenous peoples’ history and migrations are not considered to be strong enough evidence against a claim for cultural affiliation. Even so, some tribes have struggled to obtain federal recognition as Native Americans, which has precluded their role in the dialogue of NAGPRA and in claiming cultural affiliation.
Table 5 - Main Features of NAGPRA
- Federal funding and guidelines for the treatment and return of Native American human remains and funerary goods.
- Cultural items include: human remains, associated or unassociated funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of lineal descent.
- Agencies (e.g. museums and universities) must establish cultural affiliation of the remains.
- Cultural affiliation can be established through archaeology, history, linguistics, genetics, and oral tradition.
- Acknowledgement that affiliation is not always possible through evidence, but beyond reasonable doubt is unneeded.
- Tribes must be consulted if remains are recovered or if there is a potential for remains being disturbed.
Learn more about the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act through the National Park Service.
NAGPRA also requires that Indian tribes or Native Hawaiian organizations be consulted whenever archaeological investigations encounter or may expect to encounter cultural items on federal or tribal lands. In the case that cultural items are excavated or removed, specific procedures according to the 1979 Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA) must be followed. For example, if human remains were unexpectedly recovered on federal or tribal lands or lands transferred by the federal government to states under the Water Resources Department Act, excavations must stop and culturally-affiliated groups must be contacted. Any further excavation plans would then need to follow ARPA and come under tribal review. Violation of ARPA, Section 106 is considered a felony and involves fines and other punishments. Violation of NAGPRA is similarly a criminal offense which can result in 12 months imprisonment and a $100,000 fine. The first major test of NAGPRA was “The Ancient One” (see Special Topics box below).
Special Topics - The Ancient One
In many ways, NAGPRA dramatically changed the day-to-day practices of archaeologists and bioarchaeologists and is helping to stimulate collaborative interactions among bioarchaeologists, archaeologists, and descendant communities to build more constructive and holistic partnerships. Since this legislation, nearly one million human remains, funerary objects, and sacred objects have been repatriated.

This is not to suggest that compliance with NAGPRA or the tumultuous history of archaeologist–Native American interactions is uncomplicated, unevolving, or settled. One of the most heated battles following the enactment of NAGPRA surrounded the discovery of skeletal remains in 1996 near Kennewick, Washington (Figure 24). At first, these remains found along the Columbia River were thought to be modern and of forensic significance, but an archaeological team led by James Chatters dated the skeleton to 8,900 to 9,000 years old. This skeleton came to be referred to as Kennewick Man or "The Ancient One" by Native Americans.
The individual was estimated to be a middle-aged man, approximately 5’ 7” to 5’ 9”. He had a projectile point embedded in the ilium of his pelvis sometime before death. He also had moderate arthritis in his elbow, knees and vertebrae, and healed fractures. Carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen isotopes in his bone collagen indicated that he had consumed a diet of marine mammals almost exclusively for decades prior to his death and that he'd drunk glacial water melt from as far away as Alaska. This suggested that he was highly mobile along the Northwestern coast during his life.
Though DNA analysis in 2015 clearly indicated that The Ancient One was more closely related to Native Americans than to any other living population and that in particular his genetic profile was related to those of living members of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation, these data were revealed long after prior examinations were done by biological anthropologists. These researchers suggested that the individual had cranial traits that appeared inconsistent with traits understood to be associated with Native Americans. Many outside of the scientific community took this statement to infer that Europeans and not Native Americans were among the earliest inhabitants of the Americas. A long legal battle ensued, and the Umatilla tribe claimed the remains but this claim was contested by researchers. Several anthropologists brought legal suits against the United States to conduct testing on the skeleton.
By all accounts the antiquity alone of these remains make them unique and rare in North America. Initially, researchers were allowed to continue their study. In 2004, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit rejected the appeal to this case brought by the United States Army Corps of Engineers and Umatilla, Colville, Yakama, and Nez Perce tribes on the grounds that cultural affiliation was not clear. In 2005, Senator John McCain attempted to introduce an amendment to NAGPRA changing the definition of Native American to include past and present cultural groups. If passed, The Ancient One would have been more easily affiliated with a tribe. But since cultural affiliation was not assigned, the remains were kept at the Burke Museum in Washington, away from the eyes of the public, and under the legal ownership of the Army Corps of Engineers, who denied researchers access to the skeleton for further study.
Though later researchers refined this ancestry estimation to include Native Americans, Ainu, Polynesians, and other East Asian groups, the initial claim halted an expedient repatriation and created much tension between researchers and Indigenous groups. Finally, in 2016, the United States House and Senate passed legislation to repatriate The Ancient One to a coalition of Columbia Basin tribes for reburial according to their traditions. In 2017, one day after being cataloged according to NAGPRA, hundreds of members from Columbian Basin tribes witnessed his reburial. Currently, the extent of physical variation among Native Americans is better recognized, and it is clear that The Ancient One possesses traits consistent with the early North American inhabitants.
See "The Kennewick Man Finally Freed to Share His Secrets" to learn more.
Current Issues in Bioarchaeology
While bioarchaeologists study the past, they use modern methods. As in any science, research trends change over time. Current trends in bioarchaeology reflect the desire to learn more about the specific individual life experience, as well as the influence of larger environmental and social processes on the individual and population across the course of life. These larger environmental and social processes can inform current problems that affect communities around the globe. Just as uncovering the remains of The Ancient One had repercussions for Native American tribal members and future NAGPRA cases, bioarchaeological research today is driven by current issues.
Osteobiography and the Individual
Osteobiography, a term used to define the exhaustive collection of all information about a given individual, was coined in the 1970s but has regained popularity recently in bioarchaeological research. Through the careful investigation of all evidence related to the individual (e.g., skeletal remains, grave goods, historical records, and mortuary data), a detailed life narrative can be developed. Understanding the individual does, in effect, help researchers to understand and humanize the population data that bioarchaeologists have traditionally analyzed. For instance, an individual with significant healed fractures may signal to the bioarchaeologist that the population cared for this person during their healing process. Osteobiographies result in more sophisticated understandings of personal identity during life (Hosek and Robb 2019) and can result in more empathetic and sensitive portrayals of past people (Boutin and Callahan 2019). Osteobiographies, in this way, serve as a bridge between qualitative and quantitative social science research. Alexis Boutin provides a fictive osteobiography sample in "An Osteobiographical Narrative in Alalakh". You could learn more about the Bioarchaeology of children in the video Osteobiography: Human Studies from the Bones.
Histology and Molecular Studies
Histology, or the study of microscopic tissues, can be applied to both bone and dentition. Bioarchaelogists may elect to use histological methods to address different research questions. For instance, dental histology can reveal data about incremental growth patterns and health disruptions that cannot be known by examining the dental enamel with the naked eye (Michael 2016; Moes and Blatt 2018). Bone histology may help bioarchaeologists to understand patterns of decomposition and burial environment within and between individuals at a cemetery site (Turner-Walker and Jans 2008). Looking within the bone to see bacterial or fungal changes/invasions can help bioarchaeologists reconstruct the postmortem burial environment.
Molecular studies similarly use a fine-grained approach to understanding the past (Lambert and Grupe 2013). Ancient DNA can be used to understand varied experiences of the human past including migration patterns, food exchange and consumption, changes in diet and composition of ceramics, and even soil analysis and land use.
Bioarchaeologists explore the pressures that resulted in human migration, competition, and resource exhaustion in the past, though these issues are becoming increasingly important to examine in our increasingly global world (Harrod and Martin, 2013; Schug 2011). Through isotope studies, human movement and migration can be mapped in the past. Cross-disciplinary data from geographers, geologists, and historians can help bioarchaeologists interpret skeletal evidence of violence and disease. Archaeological evidence for collapsing or transitioning social networks and mass spread of disease can sometimes be linked to changes in environment, climate, and resources that may have pushed a population to the brink or sped up clashes between populations. To learn more, you can read "The Long View of Climate Change and Human Health" and/or watch “Bioarchaeology and Climate Change 103.”
Gender and Performance in the Past
Bioarchaeologists necessarily are concerned with examining gender and potential gender roles in the past. Gender should not be conflated with sex estimation, but rather seen as a lived performance (Walker and Cook 1998). Gender roles and expectations can shift over an individual’s lifetime, so “seeing” gender in the archaeological record can be a complex interpretive task. Feminist scholarship in bioarchaeology has greatly improved how we envision gender roles, performance, expectations, and identity in past populations (Agarwal and Wesp 2017; Sofaer 2009).
Current conversations and research into LGBTQ2S+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, Two Spirit, and more), nonbinary, and intersex individuals in the past is starting to be explored in the field. While these terms are modern and may not exclusively reflect gender or sexuality diversity of past societies, gender identities outside of just masculine and feminine are not a modern invention. Gender identity is fluid and a personal experience and both gender and sex run along a spectrum (there are chromosomal combinations beyond XX and XY and hormonal effects that can modify trait expression of sexual characteristics). So, there may not be material correlates left behind for archaeologists to interpret gender or sex from a skeleton alone. Deeper investigations into skeletal morphology, DNA, grave goods, and any existing historical records may provide further context.
A recent example, the re-analysis of the Revolutionary War general Casimir Pulaski, illustrates how detailed explorations of skeletal biology, sex, and gender can result in broader understandings of gender performance in the past across cultures (Estabrook and Powell 2016). The circumstances surrounding Pulaski’s death and burial in 1779 were unclear, leaving the identify of the person buried at the associated monument uncertain. When the skeletal remains were examined, they appeared to be consistent with Pulaski’s height, age at death, and known injuries, however had traits most consistent with a female. So, scholars have debated whether Pulaski was in fact intersex. Pulaski’s identity was later confirmed through DNA. Additionally, Pulaski was found to have a condition called congenital adrenal hyperplasia, in which a genetic XX chromosome female is exposed to high testosterone during fetal development and is born with male sex characteristics. For more on Casimir Pulaski, see "Revolutionary War Hero’s Skeleton Suggests He Was Intersex."
The incorporation of gender theory into bioarchaeological analyses has now started to be applied in forensic anthropology and law enforcement with some scholars’ work focusing on identification of LGBTQ2S+ individuals from gender-affirming surgeries and contextual evidence, strategies to understand and reduce harm to LGBTQ2S+ victims and including a holistic approach. The theories and methods used and developed within archaeology are, therefore, useful in the modern world, not just in interpretations of the past
Interested in seeing how gender is important to reconstructing the identity of unknown individuals in forensics? Explore the resources available through the Trans Doe Task Force.
Violence and Skeletal Evidence of Trauma
Skeletal evidence of trauma, in association with mortuary and archaeological evidence, may help bioarchaeologists reconstruct singular or pervasive intra- and inter-group conflict in the past. Injury patterns, rates and types of injuries throughout life, and differences between males and females may all be important pieces of information to consider in groups with documented or suspected warfare, raiding, and conflict histories. Broader narratives about the cultural and ritual aspects of violence can be illustrative in understanding human behavior in the past (Martin and Harrod 2015; Walker 2001).
Forensic and archaeological evidence of trauma on the skeleton can reveal a lot about complex social issues and structural violence, a form of violence in which social structure and institutions mandate and perpetuate inequality thereby causing harm, beyond simply documenting evidence of cause of death. Harm from structural violence can include physical harm visible on the skeleton including skeletal trauma evidence resulting from marginalization of a group of people impacting their growth, diet, health, and health care. When patterns emerge in the form of varying frequencies of disease, stress, malnutrition, and trauma by comparing skeletons from different social classes or groups, societal measures inflicting (intentionally or unintentionally) structural violence may be the root cause. Bioarchaeologists can document both the skeletal results of such violence and the societal parameters from cultural-historical evidence.
Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1921 witnessed one of the most violent racially motivated events in United States history. In the past 75 years, this massacre, which took the lives of 300 Black community members, was swept under the rug of history. Mob violence erupted at a courthouse when shots were fired at a wrongfully accused Black teenage boy, which after two days left the otherwise prosperous, peaceful, and primarily Black Greenwood community, called the “Black Wall Street,” destroyed. Beginning in 2020, Dr. Phoebe Stubblefield began excavations of the unmarked graves of the Tulsa Massacre to help identify the victims of that tragedy and rebury them honorably for their families. Dr. Stubblefield, herself, is a descendant of Tulsa Massacre victims and her work has opened a stage for very public discussions amongst bioarchaeologists about the history of racism in the field, the methods that biological anthropologists use to estimate ancestry, and the disproportionate use of persons of color and marginalized bodies in skeletal collections for research. As Dr. Stubblefield said herself, “I work with the dead, but this can help the living.” In a very real sense, bioarchaeologists and forensic anthropologists can impact modern lives by coming to grips with the violence of the past.
You can learn more about the massacre here and watch Dr. Kary Stackelbeck speak about her archaeological work at the site here.
Collaboration With Descendant Communities
An important part of honoring the past is connecting material culture to living descendant communities (Colwell 2016; Tully 2007). Community-based archaeological projects actively engage descendants to guide, inform, and/or lead bioarchaeological research about ancestors. While not all community members may want to be part of the excavation process, all bioarchaeologists must respect the wishes of descendant communities when developing their research plans. Importantly, if community members have not been consulted, bioarchaeologists should contact these groups and open meaningful dialogue about research questions and practices. Bioarchaeological research, which should always center the wishes of the communities most affected by the archaeological discoveries, has begun working toward research questions most meaningful and relevant to descendant communities.
Chapter Highlights and Conclusions
In this chapter, you were introduced to the work of bioarchaeologists analyzing the human skeleton to interpret broad anthropology themes about demography, gender, disease, diet, stress, migrations, behavior, and lifestyles of past peoples. We opened the laboratory doors to help you peek in to find the reconstruction of a biological profile to identify the age, sex, ancestry, and stature of an individual from their skeleton and how taphonomy and practices like cremation can help archaeologists understand mortuary rituals and environmental stressors. Then we explored the six categories of bone disease, which can help narrow down answers for questions about malnutrition, human-environment interactions, caretaking, violence, and childhood. We also saw how technologies in microscopy and histology, chemical analyses like isotopes, GIS applications, and the integration of multidisciplinary methods beyond anthropology can all be applied to understanding life in the past.
Perhaps most importantly, we saw how bioarchaeology is the study of life from death and is both influenced by and can influence current issues in the modern world. The lives and people of the past bioarchaeologists study are important to their living descendants today and it should be a prime focus of bioarchaeologists to consult with, collaborate with, and honor the legacies of the ancestors of descendant communities by following federal laws like NAGPRA and archaeological ethics. Bioarchaeology is dependent on the field methods of archaeology and the theories and interpretive procedures of anthropology as a whole just as it attempts to extract multiple levels of data from a single component of human existence — the skeleton.
Discussion Questions
- What kinds of questions can bioarchaeologists answer from studying human skeletal remains?
- How does bioarchaeology relate to archaeology?
- What is taphonomy, and why is an understanding of taphonomy often critical in human skeletal remains analyses?
- What is NAGPRA, and how does it relate to ethics in bioarchaeology?
- What is paleopathology, and how is it used to interpret past health and behavior?
- What are some of the current issues and themes in bioarchaeological research?
- The Florida Public Archaeology Network has a resource called G.R.A.V.E. (Gravestone Research and Volunteer-based Education) that may be modified to fit instructors’ needs or students’ interests. Explore http://www.fpan.us/lesson-plans/g-r-a-v-e-gravestone-research-and-volunteer-based-education/. Ask students to consider the following during their explorations of gravestones and cemeteries: 1) What factors might influence grave organization and gravestone type?; 2) How does socioeconomic status of individuals and communities affect cemetery organization? Maintenance?; 3) Can anything about religious beliefs or personal values be inferred from the cemetery and/or the gravestones?
- Practice MNI with this activity, prepared for the Explorations Lab and Activities Manual: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1poWStx-dnyvdovVX4V6fy7Hb99xV1Fn2SAEjn6TqrXw/edit
- Try your hand at analyzing real data collected from two archaeological sites, comparing the diets and lifestyles of foragers versus agriculturalists in the prehistoric villages of Hardin and Indian Knoll in the American Midwest. The Tale Bones Tell activity was prepared to accompany the Nova video "The Great Inca Rebellion."
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Samantha Blatt is currently an assistant professor at Idaho State University. Originally from the East Coast, she received her Ph.D. from the Ohio State University in biological anthropology with an emphasis in bioarchaeology and dental anthropology. Her research interests have focused on the histological microstructures of dental and skeletal tissues, disease, growth, and childhood in ancient North America, forensic and archaeological taphonomy of teeth, and individualizing skeletal traits. She is particularly interested in using innovative methods and strategies to revitalize cold cases and has worked to repatriate numerous NAGPRA-related skeletal remains. Her work with museum collections and preservation offices includes analyses of 40,000-year-old canids, shrunken heads, prehistoric and historic dental calculus, cannibalized remains from the Cook Islands, and an Incan mummy. She has two bulldogs, Falkor and Atreyu, and loves thrifting, '80s films, and exploring old museums, and once went on a vacation to try 200 types of cheeses.
Amy Michael is a biological anthropologist specializing in the investigation of human tooth and bone microstructure in an effort to answer questions about past and modern bodies. Using the principles of skeletal biology, Michael asks questions about health, pathology and age-at-death to better understand people in the past and present. With training in bioarchaeology, forensic anthropology and historical archaeology, Amy has worked on field projects in the United States, Belize and Albania. Dr. Michael is passionate about bringing a social justice perspective to her work on forensic cold cases. She is a founding board member and Director of Professional Collaboration for the Trans Doe Task Force, a grassroots organization led by forensic genealogists and supported by anthropologists, which works to identify transgender and non-binary decedents in forensic cases. Outside of work, Michael enjoys collecting obscure horror movies, hiking through the mountains, and doting on her senior pug.
Lisa Bright (Ph.D, RPA) is an archaeologist and also a consultation coordinator at the California Department of Transportation. She teaches anthropology at several community colleges in Northern California. Lisa has previously worked as the campus archaeologist for Michigan State University and as an osteologist for cultural resource management projects. Her primary research interests include taphonomy, paleopathology, and the biological impacts of institutions. Lisa’s doctoral research focused on the health and nutrition of a historic indigent cemetery near San Jose, California. Lisa enjoys cooking, reading, and camping with her husband and two dachshunds.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Further Exploration
"The Archaeology of Disease Documented in Skeletons," a lecture by Charlotte Roberts: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTcMCCP_Lkg
"Bioarchaeology and Climate Change 103," a video lecture: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EkAIfW54KXA
Central Belize Archaeological Survey: http://anthropology.msu.edu/cbasproject/
Digging Up the Dead, by Joanna Pearce: https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/mortuary-archaeology/
Digitised Diseases: http://www.digitiseddiseases.org/alpha/
DNA Doe Project: https://dnadoeproject.org/
eForensics: https://eforensics.info/learning_module/index/
eSkeletons: http://eskeletons.org/
See especially the Taphonomy module (https://eforensics.info/learning_module/taphonomy/)
Explorations: An Open Invitation to Biological Anthropology: https://explorations.americananthro.org/
See especially Chapter 15 – Bioarchaeology and Forensic Anthropology (https://explorations.americananthro.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Chapter-15-Bioarchaeology-and-Forensic-Anthropology-3.0-1.pdf) and Appendix A – Osteology (https://explorations.americananthro.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Appendix-A-Osteology-V-2.0.pdf)
FOROST: http://forensicosteology.org/buscar.php?language=en
"He Escaped from Jail After Allegedly Killing His Wife a Century Ago. Now His Headless Torso Has Been Identified Through DNA": https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2020/01/02/he-escaped-jail-after-killing-his-wife-century-ago-now-his-headless-torso-has-been-identified-through-dna/
Introduction to Human Osteology: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1004&context=books
"Kennewick Man Finally Freed to Share His Secrets," by Douglas Preston: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/kennewick-man-finally-freed-share-his-secrets-180952462/
"Leveraging Anthropology, Forensic Genomics, and Genealogy to Restore Identity to Human Remains," by Samantha Blatt, Amy Michael, and David Mittelman: https://promega.foleon.com/theishireport/may-2020/holistic-approaches-to-case-work-leveraging-anthropology-forensic-genomics-and-genealogy-to-restore-identity-to-human-remains/?fbclid=IwAR2vRM21xNzrsnNnrKtPm975jNP6t5ZwXBKkq2QnBQ_MNo5URSS4JS7DHe8
"The Long View of Climate Change and Human Health," by Gwen Robbins-Schug: https://www.anthropology-news.org/articles/the-long-view-of-climate-change-and-human-health/
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, National Park Service: https://www.nps.gov/subjects/nagpra/index.htm
Portsmouth African Burying Ground: http://www.africanburyinggroundnh.org/story.html
"Reconciling 'Stress' and 'Health' in Bioarchaeology," a lecture by Gwen Robbins Schug: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lAZWDUJb_uA
"Revolutionary War Hero’s Skeleton Suggests He Was Intersex," by Kristina Killgrove: https://www.forbes.com/sites/kristinakillgrove/2019/04/08/revolutionary-war-heros-skeleton-suggests-he-was-intersex/?sh=1866b00422da
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One of two or more forms of the same element that differ in the number of neutrons in the nucleus.
Learning Objectives
- Describe the development of a variety of ancient technologies
- Identify appropriate methods of archaeological analysis for stone, ceramic, bone, metal, textile, and other types of artifacts
- Evaluate the kinds of questions archaeologists can address through artifact analysis
- Describe how experimental archaeology and ethnoarchaeology can help archaeologists to better understand the technologies of the past
The most popular image of an archaeologist may be of Indiana Jones racing from a collapsing temple, clutching a golden idol in his hands. By now, you probably recognize that this image is not accurate. This is an example of a looter, not an archaeologist; he is stealing one valuable object as an entire archaeological site collapses around him, and he has clearly not consulted with the local Indigenous community. Nevertheless, the idea that archaeology is about finding cool artifacts for display in museums or other contexts persists in the public imagination and through popular media (see Psuedoarchaeology chapter). One of the most common questions archaeologists are asked is, “What’s the most interesting thing you’ve ever found?” This is a difficult question to answer because the artifact itself is not what is interesting to the archaeologist. What is interesting to the archaeologist is what an artifact can teach us about how people lived in the past.
In this chapter, you will learn about a variety of ancient technologies and see how archaeologists study them to learn about past societies. Note that we are focusing here on the analysis of artifacts, portable objects that were made and used by human beings. We'll review the methods used to study a variety of tool types by different methodological specialists. We conclude with a reflection on the roles of experimental archaeology and ethnoarchaeology in artifact analysis.

First, however, let’s reflect on what we mean when we talk about ‘tools’ in the archaeological record. A tool is something that is made for a specific purpose. That purpose is often practical -- to skin an animal, to carry water, to warm your body -- but a more expansive understanding may also consider tools that are made for decorative or religious purposes. Tool-making is sometimes called a ‘defining characteristic’ of human beings, although we now know that chimpanzees and other primates (and even some birds!) will sometimes make and use simple tools (Figure 1). For example, Jane Goodall famously observed chimpanzees preparing sticks to harvest termites from a termite mound, and since then, they have even been seen making spears to hunt bushbabies. (See Tool Use from the Jane Goodall Institute for a short video introduction to the many tools chimpanzees have created and used.) However, it is also true that tool manufacture and use is an essential part of being human. Some scholars have even suggested that the evolution of human language may have taken place in part because our ancestors needed to be able to talk about their tools and teach each other how to make them (e.g. Morgan et al. 2015).
It is likely that early hominin tool-makers would have made simple, impromptu tools similar to those of the chimpanzees, but they would have decomposed and not been preserved in the archaeological record. Instead, the oldest tools we see are stone tools, called lithics by archaeologists. Other common tool types include pottery and other ceramics as well as tools and other objects made of bone or shell. Depending on the cultural context, metal artifacts may also be discovered, and textiles and other perishables may be found if the preservation is good. The first step in any analysis begins by dividing the collected artifacts into a rough typology based on material -- separating stone, ceramic, textile, etc. Since different techniques are used to analyze different types of materials, archaeologists tend to specialize. In this chapter, Jacob Skousen is our specialist on lithic analysis, Jennifer Zovar is our specialist on ceramic analysis, and Katrina Worley is our specialist on textile analysis.
Lithic Analysis

Lithic, or stone, tools and their byproducts are among the most commonly recovered artifacts from archaeological sites, in large part because these artifacts are imperishable. As a result, lithic artifacts are also the oldest known artifacts in the world. (See Special Topics: The Earliest Stone Tools, below.) The earliest lithic artifacts, called Oldowan tools (Figure 2), are roughly-flaked butchering implements that were made by our earliest human ancestors at least 2.6 million years ago (Sahle & Gossa, 2019).

Archaeologists generally divide stone tools into two types: chipped- or flaked-stone tools and groundstone tools. Chipped-stone tools are made from chert (aka flint) or obsidian (volcanic glass), both materials that have a predictable fracture pattern. When a chunk of chert or obsidian (called a core) is struck in a particular way with a stone or piece of antler or wood (called a hammer), a flake is produced (Figure 3). Flakes, or long, linear slivers of the material, can be used as tools due to their sharp edges or further modified into other tools; conversely, the core can be shaped into a particular tool. One of the most recognizable chipped-stone tools are spear or arrow points, which were hafted onto the ends of sticks or canes.
Special Topics: The Earliest Stone Tools
Humans and their immediate ancestors have been using stone tools for millions of years. The oldest widely accepted stone tool making tradition, dating to about 2.6 to 1.5 million years ago, is called Oldowan, named after Olduvai Gorge in modern day Tanzania where these tools were first identified (Sahle and Gossa, 2019). Oldowan tools consist of minimally flaked stone cobbles (often called choppers), flakes, and cobbles with no modification (see Figure 2). Use-wear studies show the so-called choppers and the flakes that came from them were used for cutting and scraping a variety of animal and plant material (Lemorini et al., 2014). Archaeologists are not certain which hominin species made and used these tools since many hominins existed during this time period; a few possibilities include Australopithecus africanus, Australopithecus garhi, Homo habilis, and Homo erectus/ergaster.

A new stone tool making tradition, called Acheulean (named for the town of Saint-Acheul in France), developed around 1.76 million years ago (Lepre et al., 2011). The most distinctive Acheulean tools are large stone bifaces (tools flaked on both sides), better known as handaxes (Figure 4); other Acheulean tools include scrapers, choppers, and cleavers. Acheulean handaxes are teardrop-shaped, more symmetrical than Oldowan tools, and sharp on all edges, which indicates that making these tools took a greater degree of planning. Some of the earliest Acheulean tools are found with Oldowan style tools, but it is unclear whether the Acheulian tradition developed from the Oldowan tradition or originated elsewhere. Regardless, Acheulean tools continued to be used after the Oldowan tradition fell out of use, or until about 250,000 years ago. Use-wear studies indicate that Acheulean handaxes were used for a variety of purposes, including butchering (Zupancich et al., 2018). Homo erectus/ergaster were likely the primary makers of Acheulean tools, though it is possible that later hominin species also made and used these tools.

Around 250,000 years ago, as the Acheulean tradition waned, the Mousterian stone tool tradition (named after the Le Moustier Cave site in France) developed. Mousterian tools, which are found throughout Europe and western Asia, were made and used by Neanderthals (Biagi and Starnini, 2014). Unlike the tools from earlier traditions, Mousterian tools are far more refined. These tools were made from flakes produced using what archaeologists call the Levallois technique (a particular way of preparing cores that produce flakes of a predetermined size and shape) (Figure 5). Despite the refined quality of Mousterian tools, they are variable, leading archaeologists to consider the Mousterian tradition as a flexible toolkit (Turq et al., 2013). The Mousterian tradition disappeared around 40,000 years ago, about the same time Neanderthals became extinct, after which rapidly spreading groups of Homo sapiens all around the world developed unique stone tool types, styles, and traditions distinctive to particular regions and time periods (e.g., Shea, 2015).

Groundstone tools, on the other hand, are made from sedimentary, igneous, or metamorphic rock and shaped by pecking or grinding. Some groundstone tools were used to grind or pound seeds, nuts, and other plant material or minerals for pigments or paints; others were shaped into axes, plummets, or ornaments. Common groundstone tools in the Americas are a mano (handstone) and metate (lapstone), which were used together to grind seeds or maize (Figure 6).
How to Analyze Stone Tools
Archaeologists who analyze lithic artifacts begin by sorting these artifacts into chipped and ground stone objects. They then further divide either chipped and groundstone artifacts into different artifact types. The two most basic types of chipped stone artifacts include debitage and tools, which are then further broken down into more specific categories. (For debitage, this includes flakes, cores, and shatter; for tools this includes arrow or spear points, knives, and scrapers). Specific types of groundstone artifacts are generally more varied; some more common types are manos, metates, abraders, hammerstones, anvils, and fire-cracked rock. When the artifacts in an assemblage are divided into the desired groups, they are further classified by material type, and then counted and weighed. Other more detailed analyses are often performed, some of which are described below.
Debitage analysis

A common type of flaked-stone tool analysis is examining debitage (pronounced deb-eh-taj), or the waste produced when making a chipped-stone tool. Debitage can help archaeologists determine the kinds of tools that were made at a particular archaeological site. Common types of debitage include flakes, shatter, and cores. As stated earlier, a flake is a long, linear sliver of the chipped stone material and can be identified by a bulb of percussion, striking platform, and sharp edges (Figure 7). Shatter refers to the blocky fragments of chipped stone material created from the hammer crushing the parent material during the flaking process. Cores are the original nodules of parent material from which tools were created.
Stylistic Analysis

Identifying styles or “types” of stone tools requires grouping stone tools with similar attributes. Styles are typically associated with a time period, geographical region, and/or function. Stylistic analysis is regularly conducted on spear and arrowheads. Most archaeologists, for example, know that a “Clovis point” (Figure 8), a particular “fluted” lanceolate spearpoint found throughout North America, dates from between roughly 12,000 and 11,000 BCE (Smallwood & Jennings, 2015).
Microwear analysis
Microwear, or usewear, analysis is a way to understand exactly how chipped stone tools were used. This process involves replicating the chipped stone tool, using it in specific ways (e.g., cutting, scraping, piercing, drilling) on specific materials (e.g., wood, bone, plants, animal hide or meat), examining microscopic wear patterns on the used edge of the tool, and comparing the use wear on the replicated tool to that of tools recovered from archaeological contexts (Keeley, 1980).
Sourcing
Lithic analysts almost always try to identify the geographical location, or source, from which lithic material was obtained to make stone tools. Sometimes this can be done by macroscopic comparisons of the material type to raw sources obtained from certain locations. In other cases, a microscopic analysis of the crystals or a chemical analysis of the composition of a material is necessary to determine its source.
What can we learn from stone tools?
Archaeologists learn numerous things from lithic artifacts. They can learn how past people procured and processed food. Some lithic tools, for instance, were used for hunting (arrow or spear points) or fishing (net weights), while others were used for cutting meat (knives), pounding and

grinding seeds or grain (mano and metate, mortar and pestle [see Figures 6 and 9]), or breaking open nuts (nutting stone and anvil). Lithic tools can also tell archaeologists about ancient technologies. For example, hammerstones and anvils were used to make other flaked tools, and sandstone abraders were used to shape bone and shell implements. The material from which stone tools were made can shed

light on the procurement of certain lithic materials and the movements of the people who obtained and distributed them. Certain types and styles of stone tools can provide information on the chronology of a site; Clovis points, mentioned earlier, date to the Paleoindian period (Smallwood & Jennings, 2015). Some stone tools can even provide information on group identity, status differences, and religious practices; Classic period Maya “eccentric” flints (Figure 10) were probably made by specialists, and some were used as symbolic weapons to protect sacred places and buildings from supernatural threats (Fasquelle et al., 2016).
Bone/Shell Artifacts

After lithics, bone tools are the oldest found in the archaeological record, dating back at least 1.5-2 million years ago. (See Bone Tools for an early example). Another chapter (Ancient Foodways) discusses how archaeologists examine the unmodified animal remains that are the result of ancient meals, but here we focus only on the bone and shell items that have been shaped into tools. Bone and shell can be chipped, cut, ground, or polished into a number of different forms. Common bone tools include hoes and other agricultural implements; scrapers or other tools for processing food; fish hooks; weaving tools, awls, needles, or other sewing equipment; musical instruments (like flutes); and jewelry, beads, or other adornments (Figure 11).
Analyzing Bone and Shell Artifacts
There are two parts to analyzing artifacts made of shell and bone. First, an archaeologist considers the same sorts of attributes that are recorded for any artifact -- the size and shape of the tool, manufacturing techniques, its style or “type,” and any microwear. This can help us better understand the technology of tool production and the context of its use. For example, more than 60 bone tools that were found in Contrebandiers Cave, Morocco, show evidence of being used for clothing manufacture approximately 120,000 years ago. Archaeologists made this determination because the style and usewear are consistent with tools used for working with leather and fur in other contexts (Hallett et al., 2021). Likewise, studies of the marks on bone tools dating to about 35,000 years ago from the Kimberley region in Australia show that they were used for a variety of purposes, including crafting items from plant-fiber and resin as well as hunting and fishing (Langley et al., 2021).

In addition to analyzing tool technology, however, archaeologists will also look at the bone itself. They try to identify the skeletal element (specific bone) from which the tool is made as well as its species. If there is minimal modification (as with the scapula of a large mammal used as a hoe), it may be relatively easy to ascertain the species. However, if the bone has been extensively shaped and polished (as with a point, needle, or fishhook), it may be nearly impossible from visual examination alone (Figure 12). Newer techniques can analyze biomarkers in the bone to identify species of origin (e.g. Bradfield et al. 2018). If some species tend to be over- or under-represented in the tool assemblage, it may provide information about crafting choices or ritual associations between particular tools and particular animals. Likewise, if a bone or shell artifact is made from a species that is not local, this can inform archaeologists’ understanding of travel and/or trade routes. For example, the presence of marine shell beads, gorgets, shell cups, and other prestige artifacts in higher status households and ritual contexts at the site of Cahokia (in what is today the state of Illinois) show that high-status people there were connected through complex trade routes to the Gulf Coast (e.g. Trubitt 2005).
Ceramic Analysis
Unlike stone and bone tools, ceramics are not found in the archaeological record until after the evolution of modern Homo sapiens. (See Special Topics: A [Very] Short Ceramic History, below.) However, once they appear, they are often among the most common artifacts. Archaeologically, ceramic refers to any material made by humans out of clay and subsequently fired, heated to a stage that the clay chemically changes and hardens (Sinopoli 1991). Ceramics are uniquely useful to archaeological investigations because pots and other fired clay objects are found around the world and preserve remarkably well; they break, but do not decompose, and broken potsherds are not often collected by looters (Rice 1987). Moreover, because they are ordinary, daily use artifacts, ceramics are found in a variety of contexts and thus can inform archaeologists about many activities related to their use and manufacture.
Special Topics: A [Very] Short Ceramic History

Surprisingly, the earliest ceramics were not practical tools, but ritual objects or works of art. Venus figurines, found across Europe from approximately 35,000-20,000 years ago, were made out of a variety of materials, including soft stone, bone, or fired clay. The oldest known ceramic artifact is the Venus of Dolní Vĕstonice, a small statue (less than 4.5 inches in height) that was discovered in 1924 in what is today the Czech Republic. This statuette dates to approximately 31,000-27,000 years ago (Figure 13). In addition to the Venus, there were also clay figurines of animals, including mammoths and lions, at the site.
As demonstrated by the Venus and other figures, people clearly knew that clay could be fired to create a hardened material much earlier than we begin seeing pottery in the archaeological record. In fact, the oldest known pottery is not found until significantly later, in what is today China. Xianrendong Cave, in China’s Jiangxi Province, was occupied by a population of hunters and gatherers, who used the resource through the Ice Age. The oldest sherds, which date to approximately 20,000 years ago, show signs of burning, suggesting they were likely used for cooking (Wu et al., 2012). Other early pottery is found in East Asia, especially what is today China and Japan, long before the advent of agriculture.
Nevertheless, pottery does not become very common anywhere in the world until about 10,000 years ago, when people began experimenting with domestication of plants and animals. This is likely because pottery is not very practical for hunting and gathering communities, which tend to be more nomadic. Baskets and skin bags (which are more likely to decompose and disappear from the archaeological record) are far lighter and more efficient for transporting goods.

However, about 10,000 years ago, in many different parts of the world, people started interfering with natural plants and animals so much that they changed biologically, becoming dependent on humans at the same time that humans became dependent on them. This process, called domestication (and sometimes referred to as the Neolithic Revolution), was linked with increased sedentism, as well as the need to store crops for later consumption. In this context, pottery was a good way to store surplus food, protecting it from rodents or other pests who might eat it. Pottery also provided a way to help process new food products, as seen through the discovery of early ceramic cheese sieves (McClure et al., 2018).
It was at this stage that a variety of different types of pottery began to appear, as different cultures developed their own styles and decorative techniques. In Mesopotamia, some of the earliest pottery is made in the Hassuna style (Figure 14), dating to approximately 7,000-9,000 years ago, shortly after some of the earliest domestication.
Pottery Manufacture and Technology
For a potter in ancient times, the first step to manufacture was finding and preparing the clay. Although clay occurs naturally, in order to make a high quality pot, it is necessary to remove unwanted particles and add in more desirable additives, known as temper. Temper can include sand containing quartz and other minerals; crushed up rock; grasses or other organic materials; or ground shell, bone, or pottery fragments. A skilled potter knows that different kinds and quantities of temper prepare the clay for different uses (Rye 1981). For example, a pot for cooking may be created with a rougher temper, which allows it to heat and cool more effectively without cracking.

As anyone who has ever played with Play Doh knows, you can mold clay in a variety of different ways -- pinch pots, the coil method, using a mold, building with slabs, etc. Different techniques for forming the vessel may be practical, but can also reflect cultural or stylistic preferences. Likewise, changes may result from the introduction of new technology, like the pottery wheel (Figure 15). Once the basic form of a vessel is made, secondary or decorative forming techniques may be added before it is fired. Techniques may include beating, scraping, smoothing, burnishing, and polishing; decorative motifs may be cut, carved, or molded onto the vessel. The surface may be covered with slip, glaze, or painted decoration.

Firing techniques also vary by cultural group and chronological period. If you have taken a ceramics class, you probably fired your pieces in an enclosed kiln, which provides a controlled, even heating environment. However, it is possible to create pottery without a kiln. In an open fire method, the pots are mixed with the fuels on the surface of the ground or in a small pit and then burned. Because it is more difficult to control the atmosphere, careful placement prior to firing is necessary to ensure an even heating environment. Even under ideal conditions, some pots will crack, break, collapse, or fire unevenly. It depends on the combination of the heating atmosphere, the rate of heating, and the maximum temperature (Figure 16).
How to Analyze Ceramics
An understanding of the basics of pottery manufacture helps archaeologists to analyze the resulting ceramics, which are often broken or deposited in a refuse pit. Archaeologists work back from the discarded artifact to better understand the context of its use and creation. Different approaches to archaeological analysis include an analysis of form and function, a stylistic analysis, or a characterization study. The kinds of analyses an archaeologist employs depend on the particular research question they are asking, and many investigations require multiple analyses. (See Case Studies: Ceramic Analysis into Post-Collapse Societies in Bolivia.)
Form and Function Analysis

The shape and form of an artifact can give us some clues about its function, or how it was used. In some cases this may seem obvious -- a pitcher is clearly used for pouring liquid, while a large pot with burn marks must have been used for cooking. In other cases, however, the function of a vessel is not as clear. What hypotheses do you have about the uses of the pots pictured at left? (Figure 17).
The first step to this sort of analysis is to create a typology, grouping like objects together with other like objects. This is the sort of thing you likely do without thinking about it when you organize your own kitchen. You may, for instance, put the plates on one shelf, the cups on another, etc. However, it becomes trickier when you are organizing items for which you lack cultural context. The people who used the pottery may have had a different classification system than the archaeologists who are studying it. For example, in a recent study, researchers found that there were significant differences in the way that archaeologists and Indigenous potters sorted a collection of ceramic sherds, with the potters often noting specific characteristics that the archaeologists did not recognize (Borck et al., 2020). In addition, it’s important to remember that the same pot may have been used for different purposes over the course of its use-life, making simple categorization even more difficult.
Even so, it is usually possible to roughly divide any collection into vessels used for storage, cooking/food-processing, or serving/transfer. From there, additional sorting will depend on the collection. Archaeologists consider a number of attributes, including the shape of the rim, base, or handles, the dimensions of the rim/base, the thickness of the vessel walls, the compactness of the clay, the color, the firing environment, the presence of specific paste inclusions, the type of finish, the presence of glaze or wash, and any signs of usewear.
Stylistic Analysis
In addition, archaeologists may consider stylistic attributes that do not contribute to the function of the vessel itself. Style is often seen as a proxy for cultural identity; shared styles may indicate a close social relationship, while abrupt stylistic changes may indicate some sort of change in social or political organization. Archaeologists may record specific elements or motifs that appear on different pots and consider how they change over time and between sites.
At the same time, there is an old archaeological adage that warns against ‘confusing pots for people.’ This means that we need to be careful about methodological approaches that focus only on the artifact itself without considering what the people who created it were trying to communicate. For example, while Iron Age ceramic styles in Southern Africa were traditionally interpreted primarily as ethnic markers, a more detailed study (incorporating ethnohistory and ethnography) has shown that ceramic style is far more complex (Pikirayi & Lindahl, 2013). Archaeologists need to recognize that pots (and other ceramic vessels) are mobile objects, and that their styles are a form of communication over both time (as novice potters learn from their elders and from experimentation) and space (as people move, vessels are traded, and pots are used in different contexts over their use-life).
Characterization study
While analyses of form, function, and style consider the design of the pot, characterization studies focus on the clay itself. This can be important in identifying the source of the clay as well as the technical choices that potters made in preparing the material. Characterization studies draw on techniques from the physical sciences, focusing on the internal microstructure of the clay. This may include mineralogical studies like petrography as well as chemical characterization. (See Special Topics: Archaeological Chemistry and Artifact Analysis, below.)
Special Topics: Archaeological Chemistry and Artifact Analysis
Archaeology increasingly draws on techniques from the physical sciences to aid in our data collection and analysis. Archaeological chemistry, specifically, is often used to help identify the material composition of an artifact or to help determine where it came from. Instruments like INAA (Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis), ICP-MS (Inductively Coupled Plasma - Mass Spectrometry), or XRF (X-Ray Fluorescence) may be used to identify chemical composition groups that can be matched to a specific geological provenience. While each of these instruments use a different technology, they all break down the chemical elements present in different materials.

Each material class (ceramics, different kinds of metal, various stones and minerals, etc.) will be somewhat similar in terms of its major elements, but may differ greatly in terms of its trace elements. For example, any ceramic material is primarily composed of silica (SiO2), but will have different amounts of other elements. Pots that are made from the same clay source, however, will be more similar to each other. By using a statistical technique called discriminate analysis, it is possible to identify groups within a selected sample by comparing the presentation of selected elements (Figure 18). For example, using INAA, one group of researchers was able to distinguish authentic high-quality Zisha stoneware (produced during the Ming dynasty from clays near Yixing, China) from imitations that were created later in various European countries, a distinction that is difficult to make from visual observation alone (Zhu et al., 2019).

While INAA has a longer history of use in the investigation of ceramic materials, ICP-MS has become increasingly popular, in part because it is cheaper and somewhat less destructive (Kennett et al., 2002:444). As part of my dissertation research, I (Jennifer Zovar) chose to use Laser Ablation ICP-MS to investigate pottery from Bolivia’s southern Titicaca basin with the support of the Field Museum’s Elemental Analysis Facility. I wanted to see whether pottery from the site of Pukara de Khonkho was produced locally or remotely, helping to clarify the role of trade and other interactions related to ceramic production during the period right before the Inca came into the region. The results showed that most of the tested pottery from the Pukara de Khonkho and surrounding sites fell into the same chemical characterization group, suggesting that they were all produced with local clays, a pattern that did not change after the Inca incursion (Zovar, 2012).
Characterization studies can also be useful in ascertaining the provenience of stone artifacts. For example, as part of that same dissertation research, XRF tests were able to determine the provenience of some of the obsidian flakes found at the site of Pukara de Khonkho. Ryan Williams and John Janusek have also worked together to determine the source of Tiwanaku’s famous monoliths and other stonework (Figure 19). They found that the sandstone and andesite came from various quarries in the surrounding mountains, which are seen as sacred (Janusek & Williams, 2016).
What Can We Learn From Ceramics?
Archaeologists first became interested in pottery to help establish chronologies of archaeological sites. Since pottery styles change slowly over time, the presence of particular styles can help to provide dates for site occupation. In fact, ceramic styles are often used as shorthand for specific archaeological periods. (For example, the Jomon period of ancient Japan – the entire Holocene to ~300 BCE – is named for a specific type of pottery!) In addition, ceramics can be directly dated through thermoluminescence. (See Dating Methods.) The use of ceramics to establish dates and to investigate change over time is still important, but analyses of ceramic material provide far more than a simple catalog of pottery types and technical specifications. Even the most unassuming potsherds contain a wealth of information about subsistence, technology, economy, and identity -- as long as archaeologists ask the right questions. (See Special Topics: What Pots Teach Us, below, for some specific examples.)
Special Topics: What Pots Teach Us
People new to archaeology are often surprised at how much information archaeologists can glean from some simple potsherds. There is much more than identifying the cultural group, time period, and basic function of a vessel. Below are just a few (of many) examples of what we can learn from pots.
We can investigate practices of food consumption and preparation by analyzing the residue left on the insides of a pot. This not only touches on what was being prepared, but who was doing the preparation of the food. Early generations of archaeologists often overlooked this sort of study because food preparation was assumed to be the work of women, domestic servants, or others with little power in society (Graff, 2020). Nevertheless, lipids, proteins, and/or microbes that seep into the ceramics can give information about the specific ingredients that were used and how they were prepared. For example, an analysis of lipids found on pottery at the site of Durrington Wells (near Stonehenge) helped to demonstrate that meat (pork & cattle), and dairy products tended to be prepared and consumed in different parts of the site, using different vessels (Craig et al., 2015). Additional examples of residue studies can be explored in How Pottery Offers Glimpses into Ancient Foodways.
We can also look at the process of manufacture to address the division of labor and patterns of trade. Pottery made by individuals for their own household use will leave a different archaeological signature than pottery made by specialists for the purposes of trade. Specialized ceramic workshops at sites in the Indus Valley, for example, suggest elite control of the ceramic trade, while the widespread distribution of Roman amphorae across Europe demonstrates the strength of the Roman trade network (Sinopoli 1991:107-114).
Similarly, the presence or absence of high-quality pottery from a site (or from a certain part of a site) may reflect social organization and social hierarchy. In the Classic Maya period, for example, artistic polychromes (likely commissioned by royal patrons) were painted with images of the sacred ballgame, Maya rulers, deities, and other intricate images. They are exclusively associated with royal palaces and other elite contexts (Reents-Budet, 1994). See Ancient Maya Painted Ceramics for more discussion and some beautiful pictures.
Archaeometallurgy
Archaeometallurgy is the study of metal in archaeological contexts. While relatively rare at older sites, metal artifacts become increasingly important over time. Metal technologies have traditionally been used to categorize past societies, although some of these typologies can be problematic. (See Special Topics Box: Decolonizing the Three Age System, below).
Special Topics Box: Decolonizing the Three Age System
Many non-archaeologists are familiar with the “Three Age System,” which divides human history into three major periods based on the sequential development of technology -- the Stone Age, the Bronze Age, and the Iron Age. This model is most often attributed to C. J. Thomsen, a 19th century antiquarian who proposed the chronology based on his work in Scandinavia, and it is broadly applicable across much of Europe and even into parts of the Middle East. The Three Age System is not regularly used in the Americas, Africa, or much of Asia because the chronological sequence of metal use is not the same in these regions. In addition, the system is often linked with problematic, and racist, assumptions of evolutionary progress that do not match the evidence.
For example, although southeast Asia is often overlooked in discussions of technological development, very early bronzework has been recorded in village sites like Ban Chiang, including spear points, adzes, and ornaments dating to about 4,000 years ago. (See Bronze from Ban Chiang, Thailand.) The use of iron and bronze appears to be locally variable across Southeast Asia, and there is little connection between the use of specific metal technologies and patterns of social or political organization. In these contexts, the uncritical application of the Three Age system can confuse understandings of chronology and archaeological histories (Kanjanajuntorn, 2020).

Likewise, the chronology is problematic in the Americas, where iron was never smelted prior to colonization. However, there were a series of highly technologically complex metallurgy traditions (Lechtman, 2014). In South America, the Moche smelted gold, silver, and copper into decorative pieces associated with elite members of society. (See Moche Metallurgy). Metalwork became even more complex with the Inca, who crafted bronze tools as well as intricate golden treasures (Figure 20).
In contrast, in much of Africa, ironmaking was the first metal technology to be widely developed. People of the Nok culture, in what is today Nigeria, built large furnaces for smelting iron around 2,500 years ago (e.g. Fagg Rackham et al., 2017), and iron artifacts were important for trade at the site of Jenné-jeno, in what is today Mali. Metalwork was also an important component of trade in the later southern African kingdoms of Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe (e.g. Kim & Kusimba, 2008).
The oldest metal artifacts were made from native metals (e.g. gold, copper, silver), which were formed into decorative bangles, necklaces, bracelets, and other ornamental objects, either through cold hammering or by melting the metal down and shaping it with a mold. The site of Varna, in what is today Bulgaria, provides an example of ancient gold artifacts that were used to designate a social hierarchy approximately 6,500 years ago. (See Mystery of the Varna Gold.)

Metal alloys were later independently developed in many different locations across the world to serve a variety of different purposes. Bronze, for example, is a copper alloy, which is harder and stronger than copper alone. The first alloys mixed copper with arsenic, but true bronze requires tin. The earliest known tin bronze was found in what is today Serbia, and dates to about 6,500 years ago; other early tin bronze is found across the Near East by about 5,000 years ago (Radivojević et al., 2013). Bronze artifacts include axes and spears as well as artistic and/or ritual objects. In Europe and the Near East there is a shift to iron beginning around 3,000 years ago -- earlier in some regions -- as new technology allowed furnaces to get hot enough to effectively reduce iron ore into iron metal (Figure 21).
Analyzing Metal Artifacts
Just as with any other material, an archaeologist studying metal artifacts would record the basic attributes -- size, shape, weight, usewear, etc. However, archaeometallurgists are also specifically interested in determining the specific type of metal that is used. This may begin with a visual examination -- looking at weight, density, hardness, color, corrosion, magnetism, etc. For example, iron is magnetic but silver is not, and aluminum is lighter than many other metals. However, more precise investigation may require chemical analysis like X-ray spectroscopy or mass spectrometry. Elemental analysis can help to determine the precise composition of alloys as well as the source of the metals.
This can be important in developing understandings of the technological process that different metal workers follow at different times and in different places, and can also be used to investigate systems of trade and exchange of ideas. For example, in her research into the complex metallurgical technologies of the South American Andes, Heather Lechtman has used elemental analysis to identify the sources used in Andean bronzewear and to investigate changes over time and space (Lechtman, 2014). Throughout the Andes, metals were used to convey high status and religious power -- and, although they did not preserve as well, so were textiles.
Textile Analysis
While lithics are the earliest items of human manufacture to survive in the archaeological record, most archaeologists recognize that the earliest tools used by our ancestors would have been made of organic materials such as leaves, twigs, shells, or bone. Organic materials are perishable by nature, and typically don’t survive except under unusual circumstances. One of the groups of perishable artifacts least likely to survive in the archaeological record are textiles.
Textiles can be made from a wide variety of materials, but these fall into two main groups: cellulose fibers from plants and protein fibers from animals. Plant fibers can be found in the stem, bark, or seeds. Those found in the stem are called “bast” fibers and include flax, hemp, dogbane, milkweed, and nettle. Cotton is the most common seed fiber in both the modern and ancient worlds, but string can be made from the fibers surrounding other seeds. Fibers that come from animals include wool and hair from sheep, goats, llamas, camels, and a wide variety of other mammals, as well as silk fibers from the cocoon of the silk moth. Leather and hides also come from animals, but are usually a by-product of hunting or slaughtering livestock for meat. Wool and hair fibers don’t require that the animal be killed. Originally the wool would have been collected from naturally shedding animals. Shearing the animals is a process that comes with domestication.
The manufacture of a textile typically begins with a strand of a flexible or semi-flexible material. This might be a relatively unmodified strip of bark or a stalk of grass, or it might be a strand of fibers that have been processed. Grass or bark fibers in their more or less natural states would be relatively stiff, so items made from unmodified fibers are less foldable. To make the resulting fabric more flexible, the fibers are split, beaten, crushed, or otherwise processed. This separates the individual fibers from the woody matrix and makes them softer and more flexible, but also allows them to decay more quickly. Animal fibers such as wool from sheep need only be shorn from the animal, or collected if the animal sheds its wool naturally. Twisting the softer, more processed fibers creates a flexible cord or string, and a fabric structure created from these processed fibers is more flexible. Some structures have rigid elements in one direction, but flexible in the other. This allows the item to have a degree of rigidity but still be folded or rolled for storage or transportation.
Making string

Both cordage and spun thread are made by twisting the fibers. The difference is in how the short fibers are joined to make longer lengths. Cordage has spliced joins (bundles of fibers are overlapped in groups), while yarn has a continuous overlap of fibers, but those details are difficult to see especially when looking at fragmentary artifacts. The fibers can be twisted together in two directions, referred to as “S” and “Z” (Figure 22). These initial strands can then be used as is, or they can be twisted around each other to form “plied” yarns. The number of plies can vary significantly, but most archaeological textiles are made with single strands, two-ply, or three-ply yarns. Careful examination of a textile (or a cast of the textile in mud or clay) can help determine the structure of the yarn or cord used to make it (Figure 22). (See Special Topics: Textile Structures, below, for more details on the weaving process.)
Special Topics: Textile Structures

Once the cordage/yarns/threads are made, these can be manipulated into a variety of simple and complex structures. Woven fabrics have two systems of threads:
one set runs the length of the fabric (the warp)
the other from side-to-side at right angles (the weft or “woof” in the older terminology).
Twined fabrics have two or more wefts which are twisted around each other as they cross the width of the warp, or sets of warps that are twisted as the wefts are passed through. Plaited fabrics have a single system of threads; each thread moves on a diagonal from one side to the other, then turns at the edge and crosses back in a zig-zag path along the length of the plait/braid. If an edge of the fabric where the element turns is present, the difference between a woven fabric and a plaited one can easily be seen (Figure 23).
Other textile structures use a single element that forms knots or stitches. Knotted and looped nets are used for a variety of items from carrying bags and hammocks to hunting and fishing nets.

Nalbinding is an ancient technique used for garments in many parts of Northern Europe. It is a form of looped netting and is done with a single eyed needle of either bone or wood, knitting is done with two or more straight needles, and crochet is done with a single hook. The fabric created is warm, flexible, and comfortable for hats, socks, mittens and similar items. Knitting and crochet are much more recent techniques and are used for similar purposes as nalbinding (Figure 24).
Sprang is a form of plaiting or braiding with a fixed warp and is used to create elastic fabrics for hairnets and similar items.
Felt is made from compressing wool fibers to form a sheet of interlocking fibers (Figure 24). It is made with loose wool which is distributed in an even layer and then subjected to heat, moisture, and agitation in the presence of an alkaline substance such as soap. Felt can be made in sheets and cut to shape, or it can be formed around molds and patterns to create three-dimensional items such as boots or shoes.
Evidence of Textiles in the Archaeological Record

A tiny fragment of a 3-ply cord associated with a Neandertal Levallois flake has recently been found in a context dated 41-52 thousand years ago (Hardy et al., 2020). This is one of the earliest pieces of direct evidence for textiles. Indirect evidence can be seen in wear patterns on bone or shell ornaments (indicating that they were suspended and used as a bead). Because of their fragile nature, textiles rarely survive to be found in the archaeological record. Most that are found are highly fragmentary.

Ideal conditions for textile preservation are cool, dark, and dry (such as a tomb or dry cave), but textiles can occasionally preserve in a variety of relatively extreme situations. These include anaerobic wet conditions, when frozen, or in sites with specific chemical profiles. Textiles from flax and other bast fibers have been found in the sediments at the bottom of lakes and in marshy sites, while protein fibers (wool, hair, silk, and leather) have been found in the highly acidic conditions of peat bogs. Textiles can also survive when partially burned (carbonized), or when encased in salts from the corrosion of metal or if the soils are particularly high in salts. Fabrics made of two different fibers (such as flax and wool) can have “voids” where one of the fibers preserves and the other decays. Depending on circumstances, this can either help or hinder the interpretation.

Trace evidence can be studied even when the fabrics themselves have disappeared. Impressions of fabric structures can be found pressed into mud floors or clay pots which later hardened, preserving a record of the structure (Figure 25). These impressions can be studied for clues to the structures of the fabrics themselves.
Other evidence of textiles can be found in the toolkits of the makers. Spindle whorls are found in many sites around the world. These are bead-like weights for the spindles that are used to spin yarn. They come in a wide variety of sizes, shapes, and materials, and these can be reflective of what kind of thread or yarn was being produced (Figure 26). Some whorls are made of repurposed broken pottery, while others are clearly made as spindle whorls. Weights made of fired clay or stone indicate the use of a warp-weighted loom. As with spindle whorls, the loom weights vary in size, shape, and weight, and these can provide hints as to the fabric woven on it. It should be noted that loom weights can be similar to weights used for other purposes such as fishing, so are usually identified from context. Bone awls for poking holes in hides or other materials, bone or wood needles for sewing or nalbinding, or a variety of beaters to manipulate threads on a loom can all be used to demonstrate the presence of textiles even when the textiles themselves don’t survive (Figure 27).
Ancient Technologies
Whether studying lithics, bone tools, ceramics, textiles, foodways, or metals, archaeologists use a variety of techniques to help test their hypotheses. One approach is to look at the ethnographic record for accounts of technologies in action. This is known as ethnoarchaeology. By comparing the evidence left behind by living peoples engaged in these techniques, it’s possible to better interpret the archaeological record. By studying how living peoples interact with their environments and use that knowledge it can help us interpret the past. Keep in mind, though, that living cultures are not some kind of “primitive” relic of the past. While different peoples have developed different technologies, we are all equally human. All human cultures change and adapt to their current situations, and no human culture is any more developed than any other, a fact which must be remembered when creating a research design. Overlapping closely with ethnoarchaeology is another method called experimental archaeology. This approach attempts to replicate the technologies seen in the archaeological record and compare the results with the archaeology.
What is “Experimental Archaeology”?

At its core, experimental archaeology is a way of understanding the past through the replication of artifacts and the techniques used to construct them. The experimental archaeologist analyzes and interprets technologies from the archaeological past and attempts to recreate and use them to answer specific questions. We look at the process of manufacture and the waste products that result from that manufacture. We also look at how the artifact is used and analyze wear and breakage patterns. Public outreach in archaeology, which can include television programming, historical re-enactments, and living history interpretations, often include an element of experimental archaeology (Figure 28). In these contexts, the term “experimental archaeology” is rarely used. Instead, the practice is often described as “hands-on history”, or “bringing the past to life” (although both of these terms are themselves misleading).
Experimental archaeology and ethnoarchaeology, in sum, are simply ways to help archaeologists test, think through, and imagine ways in which tools, features, and other remains were made and used.
Experimental Approaches
There are two main aspects of experimental archaeology. The first has to do with the replication of artifacts or (in some cases) entire structures or sites. This involves developing an understanding of the techniques used to both acquire the materials as well as to manufacture the artifact or to construct the site. Ideally, replication would use appropriate techniques and materials for the entire project. That said, few modern people have the necessary skills or the access to necessary tools and materials. There are also time constraints to be considered. Sourcing, gathering, and preparing the materials and making the tools needed to make the artifact or site all add to the time required to replicate an item.
In the past, some parts of the process may have been performed by other specialists. For instance, a clay spindle whorl may not have been made by the spinner who uses the spindle to make thread. Instead, the whorl might have been made by someone familiar with working and firing clay, and then sold or traded to those who use it. Most replications inevitably end up being a compromise between accuracy and expediency. Replicas often are made using substitute materials and/or modern tools for at least a part of the process. As long as the substitutes are chosen with care and clearly documented, the results are still valid.
The second is to use the artifact or site to better understand its function. This allows better interpretation of archaeological finds through analyses of breakage and wear patterns. For instance, an experimental archaeologist may start by creating a replica of a flint blade found at an archaeological site. This provides a basic understanding of the specific artifact and its construction. To better understand stone blades as an artifact type, the next step would be to make a number of replicas and use them to cut a variety of materials. This allows the experimenter to develop an understanding of how the shape of the tool affects its effectiveness. By then examining the wear on the cutting edges of the artifact and the replicas, it may be possible to determine the function of the original.
Conclusion
In this chapter, we have endeavored to show the different ways that archaeologists use objects to better understand the people of the past. Whether archaeologists are focusing on artifacts made from stone, bone, ceramic, metal, or textile, they begin with detailed observations. Some analyses require no specialized equipment whatsoever, while others draw on techniques from chemistry or other physical sciences. As with any study, the specific data that is collected depends on the research questions that are being asked. Hypotheses may be tested through experimental archaeology or ethnoarchaeology. While many of the objects archaeologists analyze may not be the kinds of priceless treasures desired by Indiana Jones, through proper investigation, they all have the potential to teach us a little more about what it means to be human.
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Katrina Worley is a Professor of Anthropology at American River College in Sacramento, California. She learned how to spin as a child when her mother inherited her grandmother’s spinning wheel. When learning to spin on her great-grandmother’s wheel, Katrina asked her mother “what people did before they had spinning wheels”, and was told to “go look it up”. So she did. That led to experimenting with spindles of various kinds, homemade looms, and ultimately to degrees in Anthropology and Archaeology. Her thesis work was on the structures of California Indian textiles other than baskets, and included samples of the techniques identified in the archaeological and ethnographic collections studied. Because textiles are part of a broader pattern of interrelated technologies, she has also dug clay, made spindle whorls and loom weights and fired them in a bonfire, and knapped flint and obsidian blades to work with textile fibers. When not working in archaeological techniques, Katrina spins on an electric spinning wheel, weaves on a floor loom, and enjoys baking.
Jennifer Zovar is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Whatcom Community College in Bellingham, WA. Her academic research has focused in the Bolivian Andes, where she investigated an archaeological site that was occupied just before the Inca came into the region (and after the collapse of the earlier Tiwanaku polity.) Despite regularly telling her students that the ceramic analysis chapter of her dissertation was the most boring thing she’s ever written, she is continually inspired by the way that archaeological analysis of the smallest details can lead us to a more complete understanding of the lives of human beings in the past. In addition to her experience in Bolivia, she has also worked on archaeological projects in Guatemala and across the United States. When she is not researching or teaching anthropology, she loves camping and exploring with her kids and a loyal dog named Hank.
B. Jacob Skousen is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Western Illinois University. He has been a professional archaeologist for nearly 15 years, and while most of this experience has been in the North American Midwest, he has archaeological experience in the North American Great Basin and Southwest, Central America, and the Middle East. His research focuses on the Mississippian period, the precontact city of Cahokia, pilgrimage, and identity formation. In the rare moments when not doing archaeology, Jacob enjoys being outside, taking walks, exercising, gardening, and playing the piano.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Further Exploration
Ancient Maya Painted Ceramics, by James Doyle: https://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/mayac/hd_mayac.htm
Bone Tools, Smithsonian Museum of Natural History: https://humanorigins.si.edu/evidence/behavior/getting-food/bone-tools
Bronze from Ban Chiang, Thailand: A View from the Laboratory, by Elizabeth Hamilton: https://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/bronze-from-ban-chiang-thailand/
Elemental Analysis Facility, Field Museum: https://www.fieldmuseum.org/science/labs/elemental-analysis-facility
How Pottery Offers Glimpses into Ancient Foodways, by Carolyn Wilke: https://www.sapiens.org/archaeology/pottery-ancient-food/
Moche Metallurgy: http://precolombino.cl/en/exposiciones/exposicion-permanente-america-precolombina-en-el-arte/andes-centrales/vitrina-metalurgia-moche/
Mystery of the Varna Gold, by Andrew Curry: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/varna-bulgaria-gold-graves-social-hierarchy-prehistoric-archaelogy-smithsonian-journeys-travel-quarterly-180958733/
Tool Use, a video from the Jane Goodal Institute: https://vimeo.com/5004514
What was the Venus de Milo Doing with Her Arms?, by Virginia Postrel: http://www.slate.com/articles/arts/culturebox/2015/05/the_venus_de_milo_s_arms_3d_printing_the_ancient_sculpture_spinning_thread.html
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Learning Objectives
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Define and describe zooarchaeology and paleoethnobotany
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Outline the primary methods and techniques used in faunal and floral analysis
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Discuss how zooarchaeological and paleoethnobotanical data provide information on past human behavior and the interrelationship between people and their environment
Imagine food being cooked over a campfire. Perhaps you are roasting some meat or root vegetables. Maybe it’s animal meat that you hunted for or purchased from a store. Or it could be something you fished out of a river or a stream — a fish, a crab, a crawfish? Could it be something you foraged for? Something you grew? Did you process it in some way, or eat it as is? What would be left of that meal in fifty years? A hundred years? Five hundred years? What might the remains of that meal say about you, your diet, or your cultural foodways?
These are just some of the questions that archaeologists pose when studying the foodways of the archaeological past. Zooarchaeolgists and paleoethnobotanists examine all types of foods that are consumed by ancient (and not-so-ancient) peoples, as well as other plant and animal materials found at archaeological sites. This chapter touches on some of the more core concepts, but it is important to remember that environmental variation will affect the plants and animals present at different times and places.
Zooarchaeology and Paleoethnobotany defined
Animal and plant remains found at archaeological sites provide important insight on past human behavior and how humans interacted with their environment. The evidence obtained can tell us about past dietary practices, what environments were like in the past, how and when plants and animals were first domesticated, foraging strategies, and how plant and animal resources were used for medicines, tools, and ritual items. Analysis of past animal and plant remains represent two specialized fields in archaeological research.
Zooarchaeology is the study of animal (zoology) remains from prehistoric and historic archaeological sites. The overall goal of zooarchaeological research is to develop a better understanding of how past peoples interacted with their environment, specifically with animals (fauna). Zooarchaeology is an interdisciplinary field of study that combines zoology and archaeology, but with an emphasis on the latter. Fields such as ecology, biology, osteology, taphonomy, animal husbandry, and various others also contribute to zooarchaeological studies. Zooarchaeological or faunal remains are a reflection of past human behavior and living strategies. Analyzing animal remains from archaeological deposits can provide a wealth of information on how past peoples lived (e.g., Russell 2012) — not just their behavior but also their impact on the environment in which they lived at the time.
Paleoethnobotany is the study of how people (ethno) used plants (botany) in the past (paleo), or how people interacted with and impacted their environment through the use, manipulation, and consumption of plants. Paleoethnobotany can be used to understand what plants people ate, how people were acquiring plant foods, how people prepared plants for consumption, the origins of agriculture, or what the environment was like at the site, to name a few. Fields such as botany, ecology, agronomy, and soil science also greatly inform paleoethnobotanical studies.
Special Topics — Taxonomic Classification
All biological organisms are scientifically ranked and placed in defined categories in order to group together those sharing similar traits or common ancestry. These taxonomic ranks are hierarchical in structure, meaning that those higher up in the rank are more generally similar, while those lower in rank are more closely related. The scientific names used in taxonomic classification are agreed upon by the scientific community (the International Commission on Zoological Nomenclature), so that there is mutual understanding between researchers and guidelines for creating and refining taxonomic ranks. The two most common terms used, genus and species, are written in italics and represent closely related species.
This table displays the taxonomic classification for the coyote and common sunflower:
Rank |
Animal |
Plant |
Kingdom |
Animalia |
Plantae |
Phylum (Division in plants) |
Chordata |
Tracheophyta |
Class |
Mammalia |
Magnoliopsida |
Order |
Carnivora |
Asterales |
Family |
Canidae |
Asteraceae |
Genus |
Canis |
Helianthus |
Species |
latrans |
annuus |
Common name |
coyote |
common sunflower |
An animal closely related to the coyote, such as a red fox, would be in the same kingdom-through-family ranks, but would differ by genus and species (red fox is Vulpes vulpes). In scientific research and reporting, authors regularly use the scientific names of animals and plants because common names can vary considerably, causing confusion. The Latin names used in taxonomic classification are accepted and understood world-wide.
At its core, archaeology consists of the analysis and interpretation of material culture left behind by past peoples. Faunal and floral remains utilized by prehistoric and historic peoples represent specialized material culture obtained from the living biotic environment (often termed ecofacts), and as such are often subsumed under the category of environmental archaeology. The data obtained during floral and faunal analysis represents only the initial step used to address research questions in archaeological studies. In order to gather significant information from faunal and floral remains, it is necessary to examine in some detail the methods and techniques employed.
Zooarchaeology and Faunal Analysis
Zooarchaeological faunal analysis focuses on the study of preserved faunal or animal remains recovered from archaeological sites. Typically, the preserved remains consist of the hard parts of an animal such as bones, teeth, antler, shell, and scales. Depending on various taphonomic factors, a representative sample of animal remains may preserve over time, forming a zooarchaeological or faunal assemblage for a particular site. Soft items (e.g., hair, skin, muscle, and marrow) only rarely preserve in the archaeological record, in settings such as unusually anoxic wet (e.g., peat bog) or arid (e.g., dry cave) conditions. During analysis, each faunal remain or specimen is examined individually and a series of characteristic traits and conditions recorded. This initial step focuses on element and taxonomic identification; essentially, identifying the part of the animal as well as the type of animal represented by each specimen. (See Special Topics — Taxonomic Classification, above). The information obtained is used to develop a zooarchaeological profile of the assemblage, which can then be used to address research questions regarding the human behavior that created the assemblage.
Comparative Specimens and Reference Guides
The analysis of zooarchaeological remains begins through specimen recognition and identification. Each piece of bone or shell is examined individually and compared to known specimens, either in a comparative collection or in reference manuals. A faunal comparative collection consists of elements from individual animals, all properly cleaned and labeled, that can be used to assist in the identification of typically fragmented or incomplete zooarchaeological remains. Reference manuals consist of books, journal articles, and similar publications that provide detailed illustrations (usually drawings, but also photographs) of skeletal elements that can be used for identification. In general, comparative collections are preferable to reference manuals; it is often difficult to obtain the precision necessary to accurately recognize small, distinct traits visible on skeletal elements through drawings or photographs. In addition, many skeletal remains can be quite small, making them difficult to illustrate. Finally, no reference manuals exist that contain detailed illustrations of every bone from every animal found in a given region.
Animal Remains and Basic Osteology
In order to recognize the variety of faunal remains present in an archaeological assemblage, it is necessary to have a basic familiarity with a diverse array of animal skeletons. The animal kingdom can be divided into vertebrates and invertebrates. Vertebrates have backbones or spinal columns, and at least some internal skeletal elements; they include mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, and fish. Invertebrates, in contrast, lack a spinal or vertebral column. Common invertebrates include mollusks (bivalves, gastropods, squids, octopi), arthropods (insects, arachnids, crustaceans), annelids (earthworms, leeches), and cnidarians (jellyfish, corals, sea anemones). Other than some mollusk and arthropod remains, Invertebrate remains rarely occur in the zooarchaeological record, so the primary focus is on the analysis of vertebrate skeletal remains.

The typical vertebrate skeleton consists of axial and appendicular elements. The axial skeleton consists of the skull (cranium, mandibles, teeth, hyoid) and rib cage (ribs, sternum, vertebrae). The appendicular skeleton includes the bones of the fore and hind limbs, the shoulder or pectoral girdle, and the hip or pelvic girdle. The number and character of the different axial and appendicular bones varies between taxa, so zooarchaeologists need to be familiar with the general osteological structures of and variations between mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, and fish (Figure 1). Each element differs in some respect between animals, with the differences more pronounced between animals that are not closely related. For example, forelimb bones are similar between dogs and foxes, but very different between dogs and beavers. Some animals, such as turtles and fish, have very distinctive skeletal elements that are easily recognized, but differences are still found between the same bones of different species (e.g., catfish bones are easily distinguished from those of freshwater bass). These differences can be used to make class, genus, and species-level classifications between specimens.
Mollusk or shellfish remains are some of the few invertebrate remains typically encountered in a zooarchaeological assemblage. Both bivalves and gastropods (univalves) have hard shells with distinct characteristics (e.g., shape, thickness, color, size and orientation of teeth, presence of exterior bumps or ridges) that can be used for identification. Even when working with fragmentary pieces of shell, examination of multiple characteristics can often be used to distinguish between different species. Whether working with vertebrate or invertebrate remains, however, often the poor condition of the specimens prevents identification to a specific element or distinct taxon. Faunal remains should never be assigned a level of identification that is not wholly supported by the available evidence.
Specimen Identification and Analysis
As part of the analysis, the following data are recorded for each piece of bone: element; side of the body (when applicable); portion or section of the element present; the age of the animal; and taxonomic classification, to the most precise level permissible. For age, an approximation generally equivalent to juvenile or adult is used, based on epiphyseal closure of the long bones, tooth eruption, occlusal wear on the chewing surfaces of the teeth, or similar traits (O’Connor 2000: 80-97). (See Special Topics — Aging and Sexing Skeletal Elements, below.) Mollusk shells are treated in a similar manner, with element, portion, and taxon recorded for each specimen.
Special Topics — Aging and Sexing Skeletal Elements
Animal skeletons grow and change throughout the life of the animal. With careful observation, it is possible to recognize and note these changes and use this information to determine the approximate age of the animal at the time of death. The most common of these is tooth eruption. In mammals, for example, deciduous or milk teeth erupt from the gumline first, only to be pushed out and replaced by the permanent or adult teeth. This process occurs at a regular rate, so that it is possible to roughly determine an individual’s age based on the eruption and growth of the teeth present. Adult teeth, once fully erupted, remain with the animal through the rest of their life, but do wear down through use over time. As teeth grind together and chew up food items, the bumps and ridges on the occlusal or chewing surface of the teeth wear down. With some variation, this occlusal wear can be used to determine age. Diet can affect the results (e.g., eating coarse foodstuffs like grasses can wear teeth down faster), but in general greater occlusal wear is found in older individuals.
Some skeletal elements are made up of smaller pieces of bones, and the fusion of these pieces can also reflect age. As juveniles, mammal skulls are comprised of a series of smaller bones that fuse together as adults. Examining the sutures, where the smaller bones fuse together, can provide evidence of age. Appendicular limb or long bones also change during development. In juveniles, long bones consist of a bony diaphysis and two epiphyses (one on each end) that are separated by cartilage. As the bones grow, the cartilage disappears and the ends of the diaphysis fuse with the two epiphyses, forming a complete, intact bone. Depending on how much fusion has occurred, this can be used to age the element. Each long bone element fuses at a different rate, so each bone can be used to determine specific ages until the animal reaches adulthood. With experience, an analyst can also recognize muscle-attachment wear, arthritis, and other physical signs typically associated with aged individuals.
Skeletal elements are constant within a given species, but for some animals there are differences between males and females. This is an example of sexual dimorphism, where two sexes of the same species display different characteristics. In certain animals, for example, males have a baculum or penis bone, an element not found in females of that species. In some cervid (deer, elk) taxa, males grow antlers while females do not. Thus, if you find a deer cranium with antlers attached, you can recognize it as a male. In other animals such as caribou, however, both males and females grow antlers, although those of the males tend to be larger and more robust. In other animals, the size and shape of horns and antlers can be used to differentiate males from females.
Other skeletal elements may also differ between the sexes, but these differences are not always mutually exclusive. Elements in males are typically larger and more robust than the same elements in females. For example, canine teeth in male carnivores are usually larger than those in female carnivores, but a large female could have elements larger than those of a small male. This problem is compounded when examining fragmentary specimens, which are most common in an archaeological faunal assemblage. Identifying these traits or finding a baculum, for instance , would allow the analyst to recognize male or female elements in a zooarchaeological assemblage. In general, relatively few zooarchaeological remains can be securely identified to sex.
Each faunal specimen is also examined for evidence of non-cultural and cultural modification. Non-cultural modification, reflecting alterations caused by non-human agents, includes such things as weathering, rodent and carnivore gnawing, and similar taphonomic effects (Lyman 1994). These modifications can impact bone preservation and identifiability; understanding the nature of these impacts aids in accurately documenting and interpreting faunal assemblages. Cultural modifications include those resulting from direct and indirect human activity. Possible cultural modifications include burned or unburned condition; presence and types of butchery marks; and modification relating to the manufacture of bone or shell tools, ornaments, and similar items. Butchery marks include cut marks, fractures, splinters, and other damage caused by carcass processing (e.g., Binford 1981:87-181). Bones, antler, shell, and other animal parts also served as raw materials for a wide array of implements and items used in daily and ceremonial activities. Modified faunal remains can be recognized by cut, scrape, and/or polish marks that resulted from impacts that changed the original shape of the element.
Paleopathologies are a unique situation, as they can result from internal (e.g., disease) or external (e.g., trauma) factors, and in the case of the latter can be caused by human behavior (Baker and Brothwell 1980; Bartosiewicz 2013). Animal husbandry, or the domestication and breeding of certain taxa, can also result in changes to animal bone that can be recognized in the zooarchaeological record (O’Connor 2000:147-159).
Special Topics — Microfaunal Identification
Most skeletal remains are visible to the naked eye and can be observed and studied simply by looking at them. Some smaller remains, such as fish scales or rodent bones, can be examined more easily using a magnifying lens or loupe. Certain faunal remains, such as insect parts, are difficult if not impossible to distinguish without visual enhancement. Magnification can also make it easier to identify butchery marks, evidence of tool manufacture, and pathologies.
If identification of microfaunal remains is so challenging, then is it necessary to do it? In truth, many small fragments or crumbs of bone are often unidentifiable to element or taxon and provide little if any substantial information. Other remains, however, can provide a wealth of knowledge for the observant analyst. Small rodent teeth, for example, can be difficult to identify unless examined under magnification, but they are exceptional environmental and climatic indicators. Rodents represent approximately 40% of all mammalian species on Earth and occur naturally on every continent except Antarctica. They have relatively short life spans, occur in a wide range of biomes, and are sensitive to changes in climate and vegetation. This information can be particularly useful if a scientist wishes to know more about paleoenvironmental conditions and changes over time. As such, putting extra effort into the study and analysis of rodent teeth can yield great rewards.
Recovery Methods, Sampling, and Context
The composition of a faunal assemblage does not reflect a perfect representation of all animal remains present at an archaeological site. Rather, it is a biased sample. Not all faunal material preserves over time; acidic soil conditions, for example, can result in the destruction of more fragile animal remains. In addition, recovery techniques (e.g., hand collection, screening, flotation) can impact the assemblage composition. Flotation through fine-grained mesh will undoubtedly recover more microfaunal remains than screening through one-quarter inch mesh, for example. Finally, it is rare that an entire archaeological site is completely excavated. As such, only the faunal material present in those areas investigated will ever make it to the zooarchaeologist for analysis.
Context is likewise an important consideration. It is typically assumed that the majority of faunal material recovered from an archaeological site represents the remains of animals used by the site inhabitants. Some bone and shell recovered may be intrusive, meaning that it was deposited before or after human habitation of the site. In addition, some animal remains are commensal, and represent animals that live in or near human habitations but are not directly associated with human activity. For example, in any given backyard there may be mice, voles, snakes, frogs, snails, and other animals unnoticed by the people living in the adjacent house.
Special Topics — Indirect Evidence of Human-Animal Interaction
In addition to bone, shell, teeth, and other faunal remains, indirect evidence can be used to recognize the presence of different animals at prehistoric and historic archaeological sites. Rock art paintings and carvings, for example, often portray various animals that were important to the human inhabitants. Gnaw marks found on recovered bones can indicate the presence of dogs or rodents, even if their physical remains do not occur in a zooarchaeological assemblage. Animal tracks, although rare, are on occasion found at archaeological sites and can likewise demonstrate the presence of certain animals. Dog and cat paw prints, for example, have been found impressed on roofing tiles at sites from the Roman Empire. Material culture relating to animal domestication, such as bridle and tack hardware from horses, can be used to recognize the presence of horses at a site even if no bones are recovered. Finding a pet collar or discarded bird cage in a historic privy could likewise indicate that the residents of the adjacent home once kept a variety of pets.
Insect nests, such as those from mud daubers, are occasionally found among the remnants of burned prehistoric structures in the Southeastern United States and demonstrate the presence of insect pests in human settlements. Paleofeces (e.g., dehydrated fecal remains, typically found in arid or anerobic conditions) are one uncommon type of indirect evidence found at archaeological sites. Both human and dog paleofeces were found at several sites in the American Bottom region of Illinois. Analysis of the faunal remains contained in the dog paleofeces provided direct evidence for dog diet, and showed that the dogs ate various fish, amphibians, and small mammals. These examples represent only a small sample of the instances in which indirect evidence provide insight on human-animal interaction in the archaeological record.
Zooarchaeological Quantitative Data: NISP and MNI
Following specimen identification, it is necessary to quantify or count the faunal remains in such a way that useful, meaningful data are collected. Quantitative data are used to measure the relative abundance of each taxa, so that zooarchaeologists can determine what animals were being used by humans, how important each animal was in comparison to other animals used, and what animal representation might reveal about past environmental conditions. The information recorded can be of varying usefulness when analyzing a faunal assemblage. Certain basic data are typically recorded for all faunal specimens; some other types of data can be calculated based on the information obtained. These are referred to as primary and secondary data, respectively (see Grayson 1984; Lyman 2008; Reitz and Wing 1999:142-238).
The most common primary data recorded is the Number of Identified Specimens per taxon or NISP. The NISP documents the number of specimens identified to each element for a given taxon. For example, if an assemblage contains three rabbit molars, two rabbit vertebrae, nine raccoon rib fragments, and seven raccoon humerus pieces, the NISP for rabbit would be five and for raccoon would be 16. The taxon does not have to be specific, however; if six long bone shaft fragments are classified as unidentifiable large mammal, then the NISP for large-sized mammal would be six. It should also be noted that NISP counts recognize partial elements, as well as side of the body, age, size, and other factors. Suppose that the same assemblage contains the following deer bones: one left femur, proximal end only; one left femur, distal end only; two right femora, both complete; and one femur, mid shaft portion only. The deer NISP is five, because each specimen is counted separately even though some of the femur fragments may be from the same element. The NISP is the basic unit of data from which most other quantitative measures in faunal analysis are derived.

One drawback of the NISP is that it can, on the surface, overestimate the presence and therefore the relative importance of a particular taxon. Using the above example, there are more raccoon bones (NISP=16) than rabbit (NISP=5) or deer (NISP=5) bones in the assemblage, which would seem to suggest that raccoons were used to a greater extent than rabbits or deer. The NISP does not, however, reflect the number of individuals represented in the assemblage, only the number of specimens or pieces of bone. To compare individuals, the analyst must calculate the
Minimum Number of Individuals per taxon or MNI. MNI calculations are based on repeating elements from the same taxon (Figure 2). If an assemblage contained four right ulnae and two left ulnae identifiable as muskrat, the MNI for muskrat would be four. Minimally, at least four individual muskrats must be represented, as only one right ulna is found in a single animal. There could be as many as six muskrats represented, if the two lefts were from totally separate animals, but this cannot be determined with certainty. Having multiple skeletal elements from animals of different ages (e.g., adult or juvenile) can also affect MNI counts, as adult and juvenile ulnae, for example, would represent separate animals. In general, paired elements are the most useful in determining MNI; bones that are similar and/or occur in relatively large numbers, such as ribs, are less suitable and less likely to provide significant results.
The MNI is usually only calculated for specimens that can be identified to the genus and/or species level, but some exceptions are made on occasion (see Reitz and Wing 1999:198-199). Unfortunately, this means that MNI estimates are not made for general classification categories (e.g., “indeterminate fish” or “indeterminate mammal”). As a result, potentially significant information on faunal representation may be lost if only the MNI is used. If, for example, an assemblage contains 500 fish bones but none are identifiable to the genus level, then none will be included if the analyst only focuses on MNI results. MNI can also be impacted by preservation to a greater extent than NISP. If bones are poorly preserved, it is less likely that they can be classified to the genus/species level. In most faunal analyses, both NISP counts and MNI determinations are included, so that complementary lines of information are available.
Secondary Data
In addition to NISP and MNI, there is an array of other data that can be gathered from a faunal assemblage. Most of these, however, are drawn from or derivative of NISP or MNI calculations, or do not provide information that reflects past human behavior. Specimen weight (used to calculate biomass) may be recorded, for example, but the results have more to do with the initial size and robustness of the bone itself and do not necessarily reflect relative dietary importance. For example, one deer bone might weigh as much as several hundred small fish bones; that does not mean, however, that deer were necessarily a more important food item, but the raw weight values would seem to support such an argument. In contrast, the NISP and MNI counts would suggest that fish were of greater dietary value than deer. Lyman (2008:84-113) and Reitz and Wing (1999:222-231) provide excellent summaries of the pros and cons of various types of primary and secondary zooarchaeological data (see also Grayson 1984).
Paleoethnobotany and Floral Analysis
Paleoethnobotany is usually split into two methods of analysis based on the size and type of plant remains being studied: macrobotanical and microbotanical analysis. Macrobotanical analysis deals with plant remains such as carbonized seeds and plant parts you can see with your eyes or the aid of a low-powered microscope. Microbotanical analysis deals with plant remains that you can only see with the aid of a high-powered microscope, such as pollen, starch, and phytoliths. Starchis a semicrystalline carbohydrate produced by plants, and is helpful for plant identification because of morphological (shape and size) variation between different families and genera of plants (Messner 2011). Phytoliths are made of silica (like glass, or sand) and help give plants structure by forming in between cell walls when plants uptake silica from groundwater. As with starch, phytoliths can be identified to plant family or genera based on their unique shape and size. Starches are found in carbohydrate-rich plants such as beans, tubers, maize, and cereal grains, while phytoliths are found in greater quantities in the grass family (Piperno 2006). In fact, many grasses feel rough to the touch because of phytoliths. Pollen is a fine powder that plants make when they reproduce. Plant and tree pollen is then dispersed by the wind and settles into soil or on top of bodies of water, such as lakes, where it falls to the bottom and accumulates into the sediment over time. Archaeologists can then take core samples of the soil to investigate changes in pollen type and abundance throughout time. Pollen morphology is also unique to families and genera.
This section will broadly cover a few of the sampling, processing, and analytical methods used by paleoethnobotanists to learn about plant use in the past. While macrobotanical and microbotanical data can be used together to answer similar social and environmental questions, the ways in which each type of botanical data is recovered and processed can be very different.
Considering the environment and conditions at a site can help archaeologists to determine the suitability of certain sampling strategies. As with zooarchaeological remains, sampling strategies are often determined or guided by the unique taphonomy at an archaeological site. For example, botanical remains in archaeological contexts can be affected by the pH of the soil, and whether the botanical sample has been carbonized, waterlogged, or desiccated (completely dried out). Botanical remains that have been carbonized or desiccated tend to preserve in archaeological soils much better than samples that have not. On the opposite side of the spectrum, samples that have been waterlogged, or continually in water protected from the effects of oxygen, also tend to preserve very well. However, once removed from water, these samples can deteriorate quickly. Botanical remains in more acidic soils risk being dissolved at a faster rate, especially if they are not carbonized or desiccated. All of these factors guide what method archaeologists choose to recover botanical remains.
Sampling Methods
Paleoethnobotanical analysis first begins with sampling from a field site; depending on whether an analyst will be doing macrobotanical or microbotanical recovery, these samples can range from soil to residues on artifacts, to dental calculus. Macrobotanical data are derived almost entirely from plant remains found in soil samples (except for the cases where botanical remains are desiccated or preserved in waterlogged contexts), while microbotanical data can be derived from remains isolated from all three sampling methods.
Soil Sampling
Macrobotanical analysis begins with sampling soil both across an archaeological site and within individual features or units. Important factors to consider when collecting soil samples include:
- what questions researchers want to ask from the data
- the context of the site and its features
- the archaeologist’s time, resources, or personnel constraints.
But how much soil or residue do you need for a sample, and how does it differ based on the analyses someone wants to make? Guedes and Spengler (2014) state that sampling across a site generally takes the form of one or a combination of the four following methods:
- blanket sampling
- probabilistic sampling
- random sampling
- systematic sampling.
Generally, blanket sampling (also called full coverage or total sampling) is the preferred sampling method because soil samples are taken from all units and individual features. This reduces the possible bias introduced by other sampling methods (Pearsall 2000). For a further discussion of how factors like time, personnel, person power, and site size might dictate one of the other sampling strategies, see Guedes and Spengler (2014).
In addition, archaeologists must also consider how best to sample within a feature or stratigraphic level. The three most common strategies include: bulk sampling (soil is collected from a single layer within a single context); pinch sampling (for large cultural layers or levels of construction fill, a small amount of soil is collected from various spots and combined into one sample); and column sampling (soil is taken in a line down a single column at each unique stratigraphic level). Unlike site-wide sampling methods, in which there is usually only one strategy in place, for features and contexts it is common to use all three feature-sampling methods listed above.
For macrobotanical (e.g, wood, charcoal, seeds) analysis, the standard practice is to take 10 L of soil for each context sampled (D’Alpoim et al. 2014). This amount of soil is large enough to be representative of the context as a whole. If a researcher wants to answer questions that also require microbotanical analysis, a subsample of soil from the 10 L should be taken at the same time so that both the macrobotanical and microbotanical data from the site can be fully integrated. Microbotanical analysis only requires a small amount of soil—roughly 100 mL to 300 mL (or half a cup).
Other Sampling Methods
Other common sources for collecting microbotanical data include residues on artifacts and dental calculus. Residues include carbonized food residues from the inside of ceramic sherds, absorbed residues from the fabric of a ceramic sherd, or residues from the cutting edges of lithics, among others. Residues from ceramic sherds can tell archaeologists what people were cooking or storing in ceramic vessels, while residues from lithics can tell archaeologists what people were cutting with these tools. These residues are typically collected in the lab using a sanitized sonicating toothbrush. Dental calculus is mineralized plaque that accumulates in layers on teeth and can be collected from both animal and human remains using a sanitized dental pick or sonicating toothbrush in a lab setting. Microbotanical analysis of dental calculus can inform paleoethnobotanists about what a person was eating directly, unlike the previous methods mentioned, which are only secondary sources of information about diet or how people were using plants in their day-to-day life. Pollen data are recovered by taking a soil core from lake sediment and sampling each stratigraphic level; pollen is used to reconstruct ancient environments.
Processing Soil for Macrobotanical Remains
The process for recovering macrobotanical remains from soil is called flotation. While there are several different methods of flotation, the principle behind the process is to separate the dense material in the sediment (the soil matrix itself, rocks, bone, stone tool flakes, etc.) from the light material (wood charcoal, carbonized and modern plant seeds, plant parts, etc.). These light and heavy fractions are separated by adding the soil sample to water and agitating to
- dissolve the soil into solution
- let the heavy fraction sink
- let the light fraction float.
The light fraction is skimmed off of the top and collected in a small piece of chiffon gauze that allows only water to pass through. The remaining heavy fraction is collected in a 2mm window screen mesh. After drying both the light and heavy fractions (out of the sun to avoid heat-induced popping or stress on botanical material; this may take 2 to 3 days), the heavy fraction is sorted to ensure no plant or other material remains have been overlooked. Botanical material that is found in the heavy fraction is added to the dry light fraction and labeled and sealed in plastic bags for future analysis.
Special Topics — Different Types of Flotation and How Archaeologists Use Them
Flotation is an important step that paleoethnobotanists use to separate macrobotanical remains such as seeds and wood charcoal from other soil components. While the principle behind flotation is simple—botanical remains will float because they are lighter than water, and bone, stone, pottery, and lithics will sink because they are heavier—there are several ways to go about floating your soil samples depending on the size of the samples, access to water, budget, and other factors.

Bucket flotation is the simplest method of flotation, and it can be done just about anywhere. As the name suggests, with bucket flotation an archaeologist adds a small portion of the soil sample to a bucket, adds water, and gently stirs with their hands to break up the dirt and encourage it to go into solution. Next, they slowly decant the water and botanical remains floating on top into another bucket lined with chiffon to catch all of the botanical material. More water is added to the bucket to dissolve more soil and force more botanical remains to float, and the process is repeated until no more botanical remains float to the surface. The heavy fraction left in the bucket is then saved in window screen mesh to look at later for other archaeological material.
The pros of bucket flotation are that it requires minimal equipment that is readily available in the field and uses much less water than other methods of flotation. However, it can be a very tedious process if soil samples are large in volume or there are hundreds of samples to process, and it can be difficult to break up soils with a heavy clay content.
The next most popular method of flotation is SMAP (Shell Mound Archaeological Project), named after the project that created it. This style of flotation requires the construction of a simple machine (Figure 3) that forces water to rise from below into a large tank or bin and pushes the light botanical material to the top of the tank where it can be skimmed off the top in the same manner as in bucket flotation. SMAP machines allow archaeologists to process large volumes of soil and can be inexpensive to make but require some expertise to build and cannot recycle water in areas where it is scarce. Lastly, a Flote-Tech machine runs in the same way as a SMAP machine and can similarly process large volumes of soil but allows water to be recycled. However, it is the most expensive method to build.
Each method of flotation has its benefits and drawbacks, and the machine that works best for a project will ultimately be decided by the specific context of the site, soil, budget, and available materials.
Analysis of Macrobotanical Remains
Once back in the laboratory, analysis of macrobotanical remains requires only a few simple tools. A geological sieve is necessary to separate the light fraction into different size classes both to simplify the analysis and ensure that small seeds are not lost within large pieces of grass or fine silt sediment. The most common sieve sizes are 2 mm, 1 mm, 0.5 mm, and finally the pan, which catches the remaining material, but this varies by region and by researcher. For example, some projects use 2 mm, 1.4 mm, 0.7 mm, and pan, while some regions without many small seeds skip the 1.4 mm fraction entirely.
A scale is used to weigh the entire light fraction as well as each individual size class from the geological sieves. This allows the researcher to calculate statistics such as densities and ratios that are valuable in answering archaeological questions. Below under the Paleoethnobotanical Data heading, there is more information on common statistical approaches to macrobotanical data. Finally, a low-powered stereo (also called dissection) microscope allows analysts to better see small seeds and unique morphologies necessary for identification and later analysis.
Wood is one of the most ubiquitous botanical remains a paleoethnobotanist will come across in either the field or the laboratory due to its abundant use as a source of fuel and shelter. Wood is primarily encountered as wood charcoal, having been preserved by fire through incomplete burning—either accidentally or intentionally. In rarer cases, at sites with extreme weather conditions a paleoethnobotanist may encounter wood samples that are waterlogged or desiccated. Because wood charcoal is often highly fragmented and it would be impossible to know whether the wood in your sample is from one branch or 10, it is only ever weighed rather than counted. In addition, data for wood charcoal is only recorded at the 2 mm fraction and above since these are representative of the entire sample; the small amounts of charcoal remaining in the other fractions are negligible.
Seeds are the primary material that paleoethnobotanists use to answer anthropological questions regarding past peoples’ foodways, environment, economy, and more. All seeds 1mm and above, both whole and broken, are counted and weighed. Generally, seeds below 1 mm in size are only counted if they are whole, though this may vary by project. Seeds below 1mm are not weighed because they are too light to register on the scale so archaeologists only record count data.
When identifying seeds, it is important to identify distinct morphological features such as size, general shape, surface texture, appearance of the seed fractured versus whole, and more. Much of this knowledge will come from analyzing samples with a skilled graduate student or professor, as well as comparative reference collections both online, physical, and in book form. Popular online reference manuals include: Digital Plant Atlas, the website for the Ohio State University Department of Horticulture and Crop Science, and the Searchable Seed Image and Illustration Gallery, among others. Popular books that have useful images and descriptions of key family characteristics include Seed Identification Manual (Martin and Barkley 2004) and Botanical Macro-remains (Schoch et al. 1988).
Analysis of Microbotanical Remains
After samples are collected, they are chemically processed according to the type of analysis. For example, starch remains are more delicate than phytoliths or pollen, so the same method cannot be used to extract all types of microremains. Chemical processing often involves the separation of materials, often by using specific chemicals to dissolve parts of the sample while leaving others intact. Chemical floatation can also be used. Just like standard soil flotation, chemical floatation uses differences in material densities to separate the microbotanical remains from their matrix. This process involves chemicals other than water so that specific densities can be achieved to separate the microremains. Methods for processing these samples can vary greatly, and each lab that analyzes microbotanical samples has a standardized method for each sample type.

After samples are chemically processed, drops of the isolated microbotanical sample are pipetted onto a slide and mixed with a mounting medium for microscope analysis and identification of diagnostic microbotanical remains. These slides are then analyzed under a high-powered microscope with polarizing- or colored-light filters. Polarizing filters allow for the identification of starches because under polarizing light they have a distinctive cross shape (Figure 4). Colored filters can increase the contrast between the background of the field of view and the microbotanical remain being viewed.

Identification to the level of species or genus usually requires recognizing unique combinations of shape, features, and size. For phytoliths (Figure 5), these shapes include rondel, cross, bilobate, polylobate, bulliform, and hair cells, with different shaped and sized phytoliths coming from different parts of the plant in some occasions (Madella et al. 2005; Piperno 2006). For starches, shapes can include lenticular, bell, elliptical, or oval, with surface features such as fissures, margins, lamellae, or hila (Messner 2011). Like macrobotanical and zooarchaeological analysis, the identification of these diagnostic features is aided through the use of a comparative collection, reference manuals, or online reference websites, and the constraints of these different tools for macrobotanical analysis are the same for microbotanical analysis. For commonly utilized reference manuals and online databases for microbotanical analysis, please see the For Further Information section below.
Paleoethnobotanical Data
After paleoethnobotanical data are quantified (counted and/or weighed), additional statistical methods can be employed to examine patterns within the data (Marston 2014). The simplest way to report botanical data is through absolute counts, which are the raw counts for each individual taxon identified. Other descriptive statistics frequently used are:
- Density calculations: Seed or charcoal counts/weights are compared against the volume of the original soil sample taken in the field to provide comparability between all samples taken at a site.
- Proportions/percentages: These calculations are used to standardize the count of one taxon versus another category of taxon. For example, a comparison of the ratio between maize kernels and maize cupules at a site can tell you where ancient people were processing dried maize (high cupule ratio) versus using the kernels for cooking (high kernel ratio).
- Ubiquity: Presence/absence data are used to calculate the percentage of samples in which a given taxon appears. For example, if you have 10 samples and maize is found in 6 of them, the ubiquity value of maize is 0.60 and tells us maize is present in 60% of samples.
Other types of statistics in paleoethnobotanical reports often include Z-scores (data are transformed into standard deviations around a population mean), diversity indices (calculated based on the relative values of taxa to indicate homogeneity or heterogeneity of a sample), and more complicated multivariate calculations such as cluster analysis, principal components analysis, and correspondence analysis (see Smith 2014 for a discussion and examples of multivariate statistics in paleoethnobotany). Once calculated, these statistics can be presented in a number of ways to highlight patterns or trends revealed by your analyses.
Ancient Foodways: What Can Zooarchaeology and Paleoethnobotany Reveal?
Faunal and floral remains from archaeological sites can provide a wealth of information on past human behavior and environmental interaction. Some of the more common areas of study are addressed here, but on-going research is discovering ever more applications for zooarchaeological and paleoethnobotanical data.
Dietary Patterns
Zooarchaeological and paleoethnobotanical material provide direct evidence for prehistoric and historic diet. The faunal and floral remains recovered do not reflect all of the food refuse discarded in the past, but they do provide a robust sample of what people were eating. This information provides important insight on how animals and plants were processed for consumption, and how human dietary strategies changed over time. Not all faunal and floral remains recovered, however, represent food refuse; this is addressed in detail below.
Floral remains recovered demonstrate what sorts of wild plants were gathered, what domesticated crops were grown, and how important various taxa were to the site inhabitants. Similarly, the faunal remains recognized reveal what wild animals were procured, what domesticated animals were utilized by the site inhabitants, and the importance of different animals to the inhabitants. The proportional amounts of animal and plant remains illustrates their relative significance in the diet. By examining assemblages from different sites and different time periods, it is possible to see how dietary strategies varied between regions and changed over time.
In addition, recognizing patterns in what people were eating and how they were processing those types of foods can inform archaeologists about cuisine and the foodways (culture surrounding food) at archaeological sites. Combining dietary analysis with ceramic and lithic use-wear analyses, for example, enables archaeologists to employ multiple lines of evidence towards a more complete understanding of food consumption as well as the social ramifications of dining, feasting, and gender roles (e.g., Kooiman 2018; Twiss 2012).
Foraging Strategies
The types of animals and plants recovered at an archaeological site can provide insight on the hunting and foraging practices employed by the site inhabitants. Certain faunal and floral species are available or abundant only at certain times of the year, and human foragers will often optimize their efforts by focusing on these taxa only when they are likely to yield high returns. For example, nut trees such as oaks only produce ripe acorns in the fall, so foraging groups might schedule their seasonal travels so that they are close to oak forests during the autumn months. Likewise, these same mobile foragers might plan to camp near large lakes or rivers in the spring, when spawning fish are in the shallows and more easily caught. By recognizing the time of year when different taxa are available, archaeologists can often determine the seasonality (season of occupation) for a site.
The relative abundance of different animal and plant remains also reflects foraging behavior. Some hunter-gatherer groups focus their efforts on a select range of large animals (e.g., big-game hunters), although most employ a broad-based subsistence strategy in which they procure a wide array of animals and plants to fulfill their dietary needs. Other groups may adjust their foraging strategies on a seasonal basis in order to take advantage of available, abundant resources. Agricultural communities, for example, put considerable effort into farming during the spring planting and fall harvest seasons, but during the other seasons supplement their diets through hunting, fishing, and foraging.
Paleoenvironmental Reconstruction
Different types of plants prefer different environmental conditions, so the presence, absence, disappearance, or appearance of plant species through time at a single site may indicate changes in environment such as drought, desertification, increased precipitation, or changing temperatures. These changes in local habitat can also be indicative of human actions that impact the environment such as overgrazing, tree harvesting, agriculture, environmental management, and many others (e.g., Asouti and Austin 2005). One method of recognizing these changes is through analysis of pollen cores, which can reveal distinct changes in environmental conditions over long periods of time (See Special Topics: Pollen Coring and Environmental Interactions, below.)
Special Topics — Pollen Coring and Environmental Interactions
How can archaeologists, environmental scientists, and geographers learn more about the environment surrounding lakes, and in effect the actions of the people occupying the areas around this lake? The analysis of pollen, known as palynology, can help us understand these environmental changes on a local level—palynologists collect sediment core samples from the floors of bodies of water and analyze the pollen, the male gamete of plants, within those samples. Pollen, unlike other microbotanical remains, can usually be identified to the species level, and therefore can give palynologists a detailed picture of the surrounding plant environment. Pollen also collects in layers of sediments at the bottom of bodies of water chronologically. Pollen at the bottom of a core sample will be the oldest, and pollen at the top of a core sample will be the youngest (MacDonald and Edwards 1991). Cores collected from these bodies of water can vary in length depending on what periods of time the analysts are interested in, and how fast these layers accumulate locally.
After these cores are collected, palynologists sample these cores for radiocarbon or Accelerated Mass Spectrometry (AMS) dating and process the remaining samples to dissolve the sediment, usually with a chemical like hydrofluoric acid (HF). After processing, palynologists identify and quantify all the pollen from the samples in order to understand the surrounding plant community. From these dated samples, palynologists can then model the changes in the plant environment surrounding the body of water throughout time, and what factors may be at play. For example, if there is an increase in pollen from agricultural crops, such as maize, in tandem with a decrease in different types of tree pollens, that would indicate that there was deforestation for agricultural purposes (Alenius et al. 2012).
Similar information can be derived from analysis of the different types of faunal represented at a site. Depending on the sensitivity of the taxa, it is possible to reconstruct what a habitat was like during the period a site was occupied. Many animal species flourish only within restricted habitats, and these taxa can be particularly useful when examining environmental changes over time.
Plant and Animal Domestication
Tracking changes in seed size (from smaller to larger) across time is one indication that a plant may be undergoing domestication. The recovery of non-local plants in archaeological contexts, such as maize in Eastern North America (e.g., Larson et al. 2014), can be evidence of domestication (as well as interregional exchange, as discussed below). Similar changes are often seen among domesticated animals, which typically exhibit physical traits that reflect breeding efforts to increase meat production or reduce aggression. It can take many generations for these changes to manifest themselves skeletally, but they can be recognized in the archaeological record over time.
Butchery Practices
Close examination of animal bones may reveal evidence of butchery, such as cut and chop marks, but the bones themselves also provide insight on how carcasses are butchered and processed. First, the location and types of marks identified are direct evidence of the specific manner in which animal carcasses were reduced in size and portioned for further processing. Butchery marks are commonly found near limb joints and muscle attachment points, which reflects the removal of meat-rich limb portions. Other types of cuts, such as those found in areas with little muscle, may represent cuts associated with hide or pelt removal.
The bones themselves—and the absence of some bones—are likewise indicative of choices made during the butchering process. If an animal is killed at a great distance from the habitation site, for instance, hunters may choose to leave low-value lower limb or cranial portions at the kill site. As a result, lower leg and skull bones may be under-represented in the zooarchaeological record of the habitation, but much more common at kill locations. A large percentage of high-value bones (those supporting large amounts of meat, or choice cuts) in an assemblage may indicate the differential distribution of meat resources, possibly reflecting tribute, feasting, or allocation of foodstuffs based on status. Finally, heavily fragmented appendicular bones can also be indicative of marrow extraction and bone grease manufacture.
Trade and Resource Movement
The recovery of faunal or floral remains from species not typically found in an area can provide evidence of trade, population mobility, and similar movement of people and resources. For example, marine whelk shells and shark teeth are occasionally found at prehistoric sites across the Eastern United States, far inland from coastal areas. These items were likely transported, either directly or indirectly, by traders and travelers moving between these areas. The recovery of tropical plant species in temperate zones (e.g., maize, as noted above) reflects not only interregional trade but evidence of domestication as well. Exotic items were undoubtedly highly valued and served to encourage further contact and commerce. It is likely that many other goods, most of them perishable and not recognized in the archaeological record, were also exchanged between neighboring groups.
Non-dietary Use of Faunal and Floral Material
The non-dietary use of faunal and floral resources is often overlooked, with most research focused on dietary strategies and paleo-environmental reconstructions. A wide range of non-dietary uses are recognized (e.g., Russell 2012), many more than can be addressed in this chapter. A sample of these uses is presented here.
Plant resources were widely used for non-dietary purposes but are often difficult to identify because they typically do not preserve well in the archaeological record. Wood was used extensively for construction projects, tools, bowls, utensils, weapons, canoes, and numerous other items in addition to being burned for fuel. Grass, reeds, plant fiber, and pine needles were used to create cordage, woven basketry, mats, and rugs (e.g., Nichols et al. 2000). Storage containers were manufactured from dried gourds such as Lagenaria siceraria (bottle gourd).
The ritual and medicinal use of plants was similarly significant. Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum), peyote (Lophophora williamsii), ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis caapi), and other mind-altering substances such as opium poppy (Papaver somniferum) are derived from plants. Various forms of alcohol likewise come from plant products and have mind-altering effects. These items were widely employed by shamans, healers, and the ruling elite in a variety of ceremonial and ritual activities (e.g., Morehart et al. 2005; Pauketat et al. 2002).
Many faunal remains similarly represent resources employed in non-dietary roles. Certain items, such as animal hides, sinew, and feathers (for arrow and spear fletching) were likely used for clothing, shoes, and other items but rarely preserve archaeologically. Bone, antler, shell, and other faunal material were fashioned into a variety of items including perforating implements (awls, needles, pins, chisels), flintknapping tools (flakers, billets), weaving and hide-processing tools (shuttles, hide scrapers, beamers), gardening instruments (scapula hoes, digging sticks, antler rakes), gaming pieces (dice, gaming sticks), hunting items (spear points, fish hooks, harpoon heads), and decorations/ornaments (hairpins, beads, combs, pendants). Mussel shell was carved into beads, buttons, gorgets, spoons, and scoops; large marine whelks were transformed into bowls and containers. Turtle shells were similarly made into bowls and rattles.
Faunal remains, both modified and unmodified, were also important as ritual and ceremonial paraphernalia. Small carnivore jaws were often cut and polished, and perhaps functioned as items of sympathetic magic. Bone and shell effigies have also been recovered and may have been used in a similar fashion. Numerous other examples exist, but at times it is difficult to determine the exact function of these items. Bone, antler, shell, and other faunal material modified into wide array of tools, ornaments, decorations, and ritual items.
Summary and Case Studies
Zooarchaeological and paleoethnobotanical remains can provide considerable insight on past human behavior at prehistoric and historic archaeological sites. Much of this information relates to dietary strategies and paleoenvironmental reconstruction, but faunal and floral remains provide significant information on the non-dietary uses of these resources as well. To fully understand how zooarchaeological and paleoethnobotanical data are employed in archaeological research, two case studies are provided.
Special Topics — Case Study, Early Twentieth-Century Dining in East St. Louis, Illinois
Archaeological investigations in the Goose Hill neighborhood, a turn of the century working-class section of East St. Louis, recovered substantial zooarchaeological remains from several different households that allowed for the investigation of differential dietary patterns in an urban residential neighborhood. The information summarized here is taken from Dappert-Coonrod and Kuehn (2017).
The Goose Lake neighborhood in East St. Louis was established shortly after the Civil War, and by the turn of the twentieth century was inhabited primarily by working-class individuals and families, many of whom were employed at the nearby National Stockyards and associated meat-packing plants. In addition to residences, the Goose Lake neighborhood also contained numerous commercial shops and services that supported these residents. Archaeological investigations were conducted in this location as part of the New Mississippi River Bridge Project, with all work overseen by the Illinois State Archaeological Survey (ISAS) of the Prairie Research Institute, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. In addition to the archaeological field and laboratory work, extensive historical and archival research was conducted on this property, in order to better understand the social and cultural context of this historic community.
Zooarchaeological material chosen for analysis was selected from three households:
- A boardinghouse establishment - variously called Mead House, the Maple Hotel or the Davis Boardinghouse - occupied by a variety of tenants who likely resided for a few months or years
- A single family long-term residence owned by Elizabeth Benner, a widow, and her daughter Victoria
- A rental property at 819 Rear Bowman Avenue, characterized as an informal worker’s cottage, and occupied by an ever-changing series of tenants - usually couples or small families.
Multiple privy deposits were associated with each household, and they contained relatively large amounts of faunal material discarded by the respective site inhabitants. This allows for a detailed comparison of dietary practices between the occupants of the Mead House, Benner household, and Tenant (or multi-tenant) household.
Cattle, swine, and chicken remains occur in all three assemblages and predominate among specifically identifiable fauna. Mutton (sheep) remains were found in the Mead House assemblage, and eggshell fragments were recovered in the Mead House and Benner assemblages. Fish remains (e.g., carp, brown bullhead) were recognized in all three assemblages, and cottontail rabbit bones were found in the Mead House and Benner assemblages. Other taxa recognized include turkey in the Mead House assemblage, double-crested cormorant in the Benner household assemblage, and graylag (domestic) goose in the Tenant household assemblage. Overall, the composition of the assemblages indicate that the various site inhabitants relied on beef, pork, and chicken (and eggs) as dietary mainstays, but also included other domesticates (e.g., sheep, turkey, goose) and some wild fauna (e.g., rabbit, various fish) in the diet. Dog bones from at least two dogs were found in the Mead House assemblage, suggesting that pets were kept by some of the residents. Rodent bones were also recognized, indicating that urban pests like mice and rats were a problem.
The cuts of meat, particularly beef and pork, represented by the elements recovered provide a more intimate look at dining in the different households. The Mead House inhabitants consumed more steaks, roasts, and hams (as well as chicken and egg dishes) and less soups and stews. At the Benner house, they ate a variety of steaks, roasts, hams, stews, and soups, making use of lesser-quality cuts of meat. The occupants of the Tenant house, however, are more soups and stews than the residents of the Mead House or Benner household. Most of the Tenant assemblage bones were from low-value cuts, particularly beef, suitable mainly for soups and stews. By purchasing cheaper cuts of beef, the Tenant residents were able to buy at least some moderately more expensive pork hams.
This indicates that dietary choices were affected, at least to some extent, but the economic means of each household. The residents of the Mead House boardinghouse received at least some higher-cost beef and pork cuts, as part of their room and board. The widow Mrs. Benner was moderately well off financially, it would seem, but still needed to be frugal in her spending. The Tenant household occupants, however, were renters with limited funds available, and this is reflected in their dietary choices.
Interestingly, the serving dishes and other tableware recovered during the archaeological investigations at each property support the patterns observed in the faunal remains. The Mead House boardinghouse dishes included large serving platters for group meals, but also dishware associated with the serving of steaks and roasts. The Benner tableware, in contrast, contained more fashionable dishes, perhaps reflecting the income and status associated with single-family home ownership. The dishes found in the Tenant household privies were of somewhat lower value, but there were also some fancier porcelain dishes comparable to those found at the nearby Benner house. While no single line of evidence is sufficient to answer all questions regarding dietary choices, purchasing power, and socioeconomic status, looking at faunal remains and ceramic dishware together can provide important insight into these research issues.
Special Topics — Case Study, Synthesis of Macrobotanical and Microbotanical Data at the Site of Los Naranjos, Honduras
Los Naranjos is a major multi-component archaeological site in Honduras that lies on the northern border of Lake Yojoya. The site has monumental architecture and sculpture that date to between 1000 and 500 BCE, as well as use of jade and pottery styles that link it to the Gulf Coast Olmec. The inhabitants of the site were thought to have been dependent on maize agriculture as their primary food source by 800 BCE, an assumption that has been challenged by recent paleoethnobotanical work that combines both macrobotanical and microbotanical analyses. This case study, from an article by Morell-Hart et al. (2014), will reveal why it is important to use multiple lines of evidence when considering human relationships with plants in the past.
A lake pollen core taken from previous excavations in the 1980s suggested a meaningful variation in plant pollen over time. Levels from the core corresponding to earlier time periods revealed a high percentage of tree species and no crops such as maize or beans. Progressing through time, researchers interpreted a rise in plants such as Chenopods (the family that contains the popular grain quinoa), maize, and other grasses as evidence of early agriculture. Agricultural intensification was then interpreted later on in time from an increasing percentage of plants from the sunflower family, ragweed, and other plants that like habitats that have been disturbed by human activity. However, the pollen from this core comes primarily from wind-pollinated plants and therefore does not provide a complete picture of plant use, nor does it show direct evidence of plant use at the site of Los Naranjos itself.
To fill in the informational gaps left by the existing pollen record, the authors of this paper analyzed plant data from six kinds of contexts including macrobotanical samples from light fractions, and microbotanical samples taken from the edges of obsidian artifacts used as tools. The samples come from interior surfaces, matrices between surfaces, architectural and pit fill, and a midden or trash dump.
Maize was recovered by the analysts in several different forms, including as phytoliths, starch granules, and a charred kernel. However, other typically ubiquitous parts of maize (cupule and cob fragments) were not identified. Amaranth and chia seeds were also found, and starch granules of manioc and sweet potato were identified from residues on obsidian tools. Tree crops were important for early agriculturalists, and botanical evidence from the site suggests that people were using palm species for a variety of culinary and non-edible uses. Interestingly, species that are commonly thought of as belonging to the Mesoamerican agricultural suite (beans and squash, primarily) were not evident at the site. Plants with medicinal or cultural uses were identified through both macrobotanical and microbotanical analyses, including tobacco, various grass species, and sunflower species.
The early analysis of the pollen core led researchers to believe that maize agriculture, as well as its two other sisters, beans and squash, were present in the region by 1000 BCE. However, microbotanical analysis of starch granules and phytoliths along with macrobotanical recovery of whole seeds paints a different picture. The recent paleoethnobotanical interpretation reveals that as opposed to widespread intensive agriculture, the residents of Los Naranjos were likely exploiting a wide variety of plants, including seed, root, and tree crops. This new analysis also illustrates the use of plants for non-culinary purposes, notably the use of tobacco which may have been used ritually as well.
While the pollen data were not incorrect, their interpretation of human activity without considering other lines of evidence led to a conclusion that did not show the whole picture of what was happening at the site. Flotation is important for recovering macrobotanical material but is not as directly associated with human activity as microbotanical residues sampled directly from artifacts. Synthesizing a variety of botanical data enriches our understanding of human practices, including non-culinary uses of plants, and complicates our view of the past.
Note: This chapter is adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Steven Kuehn is a zooarchaeologist with the Illinois State Archaeological Survey, a division of the Prairie Research Institute of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He has more than 30 years of professional experience as an archaeologist, working primarily in the Upper Midwest and Great Lakes region. Steven has analyzed zooarchaeological remains from Paleoindian through Historic Euroamerican sites in the Midwest, Great Plains, Southeastern United States, and Alaska. Some of his recent research focuses on Paleoindian subsistence behavior, Archaic bison hunting in Minnesota, and the archaeology of domestic dogs in the Midwest. In his free time, Steven enjoys reading, hiking, and playing board games with his family. Steven also writes short stories and mystery fiction, including novels in his Jacob Caine Archaeology Mystery series.
Rebecca Albert earned her M.A. in archaeology at the University of California, Santa Barbara in 2021. She was previously the assistant coordinator for the Central Coast Information Center, one of nine archaeological and built environment data clearinghouses in the California Historic Resources Information System. Her undergraduate and graduate research focused on microbotanical analysis of carbonized residues from the Upper Great Lakes to gain a deeper understanding of the history of plant domestication in North America, and how these plants may have informed prehistoric foodways. In her free time, Rebecca enjoys quilting, cooking, and playing with her cat, Juliet.
Emily Johnson is a paleoethnobotanist pursuing her Ph.D. in Anthropology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. She has conducted excavations and/or analyses of archaeological sites in Turkey, Israel, Guatemala, Mexico, and throughout the United States. Her current research is focused on investigating the timing, spread, and development of the nixtamalization process throughout ancient Mesoamerica. When not reading about all things corn, Emily enjoys crafting and playing with her cat, Scout.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Further Exploration
Microbotanical reference manuals:
PhytCore DB (phytcore.org) — free with registration online database of photomicrographs of phytoliths, searchable by shape, type of sample, site, etc.
Starch Grain Database (clarissacagnato.weebly.com/starch-grain-database.html) – free online database of starch grains collected from modern samples
Cooked Starch Database (figshare.com/Cooked_Starch_Database/3734335) – free image database of starches from plants that have been cooking various ways. From Henry, Hudson, and Piperno, 2009.
References
Albert, Rebecca K., Susan M. Kooiman, Caitlin C. Clark, and William A. Lovis (2018) "Earliest Microbotanical Evidence for Maize in the Northern Lake Michigan Basin." American Antiquity 83(2): 345-355.
Alenius, Teija, Teemu Mökkönen, and Antti Lahelma (2012) "Early Farming in the Northern Boreal Zone: Reassessing the History of Land Use in Southeastern Finland through High-Resolution Pollen Analysis." Geoarchaeology 28(1): 1-24.
Asouti, Eleni, and Phil Austin (2005) Reconstructing Woodland Vegetation and Its Exploitation by Past Societies, Based on the Analysis and Interpretation of Archaeological Wood Charcoal Macro-Remains. Environmental Archaeology 10: 1–18.
Baker, John, and Don Brothwell (1980) Animal Diseases in Archaeology. Academic Press, New York, New York.
Bartosiewicz, László (2013) Shuffling Nags, Lame Ducks: The Archaeology of Animal Disease. Oxbow Books, Oxford, United Kingdom.
Binford, Lewis R. (1981) Bones: Ancient Men and Modern Myths. Academic Press, Orlando, Florida.
Dappert-Coonrod, Claire P., and Steven R. Kuehn (2017) "A Boarder, a Widow, and a Tenant Sit Down for Dinner: Foodway Comparisons in the Goose Hill Neighborhood, East St. Louis, Illinois." Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 42(1): 4-36.
Grayson, Donald K. (1984) Quantitative Zooarchaeology: Topics in the Analysis of Archaeological Faunas. Academic Press, Orlando, Florida.
Guedes, Jade D'Alpoim, and Robert Spengler (2014) "Sampling Strategies in Paleoethnobotanical Analysis." In Methods and Theory in Paleoethnobotany, edited by John M. Marston, Jade D’Alpoim Guedes, and Christina Warinner, pp. 77-94. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.
Kooiman, Susan M. (2018) A Mutliproxy Analysis of Culinary, Technological, and Environmental Interactions in the Northern Great Lakes Region. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan.
Larson, Greger, Dolores R. Piperno, Robin G. Allaby, Michael D. Purugganan, Leif Andersson, Manuel Arroyo-Kalin, Loukas Barton, Cynthia Climer Vigueira, Tim Denham, Keith Dobney, Andrew N. Doust, Paul Gepts, M. Thomas P. Gilbert, Kristen J. Gremillion, Leilani Lucas, Lewis Lukens, Fiona B. Marshall, Kenneth M. Olsen, J. Chris Pires, Peter J. Richerson, Rafael Rubio de Casas, Oris I. Sanjur, Mark G. Thomas, and Dorian Q. Fuller (2014) "Current Perspectives and the Future of Domestication Studies." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111(17): 6139–46.
Lyman, R. Lee (1994) Vertebrate Taphonomy. Cambridge Manuals in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom.
Lyman, R. Lee (2008) Quantitative Paleozoology. Cambridge University Press, New York.
MacDonald, Glen M., and Kevin J. Edwards (1991) "Holocene Palynology: Principles, Population and Community Ecology, Palaeoclimatology." Progress in Physical Geography: Earth and Environment 15(3): 261-289.
Madella, Marco, Anne Alexandre, and Terry Ball (2005) "International Code for Phytolith Nomenclature 1.0." Annals of Botany 96(2): 253-60.
Marston, John M. (2014) "Ratios and Simple Statistics in Paleoethnobotanical Analysis: Data Exploration and Hypothesis Testing." In Methods and Theory in Paleoethnobotany, edited by John M. Marston, Jade D’Alpoim Guedes, and Christina Warinner, pp. 163-179. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.
Martin, Alexander C., and William D. Barkley (2004). Seed Identification Manual. The Blackburn Press, Caldwell, New Jersey.
Messner, Timothy C. (2011). Acorns and Bitter Roots: Starch Grain Research in the Prehistoric Eastern Woodlands. University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa.
Morehart, Christopher T., David L. Lentz, and Keith M. Prufer (2005) "Wood of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Pine (Pinus spp.) by the Ancient Lowland Maya." Latin American Antiquity 16(3): 255–274.
Morell-Hart, Shanti, Rosemary A. Joyce, and John S. Henderson (2014) "Multi-Proxy Analysis of Plant Use at Formative Period Los Naranjos, Honduras." Latin American Antiquity 25(1): 65–81.
Nichols, Deborah L., Mary Jane McLaughlin, and Maura Benton (2000) "Production Intensification and Regional Specialization: Maguey Fibers and Textiles in the Aztec City-State of Otumba." Ancient Mesoamerica 11(2): 267–291.
O’Connor, Terry (2000) The Archaeology of Animal Bones. Sutton Publishing, Phoenix Mill, United Kingdom.
Pauketat, Timothy R., Lucretia S. Kelly., Gayle J. Fritz, Neal H. Lopinot, Scott Elias, and Eve Hargrave (2002) "The Residues of Feasting and Public Ritual at Early Cahokia." American Antiquity 67(2): 257–279.
Pearsall, Deborah M. (2015). Paleoethnobotany: A Handbook of Procedures, 3rd edition. Routledge, England, United Kingdom.
Piperno, D. R. (2006). Phytoliths: A comprehensive guide for archaeologists and paleoecologists. AltaMira Press, Lanham, Maryland.
Reitz, Elizabeth J., and Elizabeth S. Wing (1999) Zooarchaeology. Cambridge Manuals in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom.
Russell, Nerissa (2012) Social Zooarchaeology: Humans and Animals in Prehistory. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Schoch, Werner H., Barbara Pawlik, and Fritz H. Schweingruber (1988). Botanical macro-remains. Haupt, Switzerland.
Twiss, Katheryn (2012) "The Archaeology of Food and Social Diversity." Journal of Archaeological Research 20(4): 357–395.
White, Chantel E., and China P. Shelton (2014) "Recovering Macrobotanical Remains: Current Methods and Techniques." In Methods and Theory in Paleoethnobotany, edited by John M. Marston, Jade D’Alpoim Guedes, and Christina Warinner, pp. 95-114. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.
Learning Objectives
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Describe the range of dating methods commonly used in archaeological research
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Articulate the advantages and disadvantages of specific dating methods
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Explain how theories from the geosciences and biological sciences have been applied to the analysis of archaeological materials
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Identify the terminology used by professional archaeologists and geoscientists to describe the age of a sample
In modern times, archaeology uses methods from both the natural sciences and social sciences to conduct scientific investigations with a strong focus on determining the age of objects. This has not always been the case, however. For centuries, archaeologists were seen as keepers, and looters, of mysterious objects that represented exotic lands and peoples. Artifacts were treated as art objects, and it was rare for a historian to ask living peoples about how their ancestors saw the world. This led to Euro-centric interpretations of human history that still carry on to this day, especially in the form of “documentaries” like the infamous Chariots of the Gods? book by Erich von Däniken, which was followed two years later in 1970 by a wildly popular feature-length film. Such glamorized and not-so-scientific interpretations of the archaeological record by untrained people are known as pseudoarchaeology. Nowadays, interpretations of the past have recently moved toward more culturally diverse perspectives along with science-based methods. This chapter focuses on the most common methods used to conduct scientifically-informed research of past societies and peoples to accurately estimate the age and compositions of various materials associated with human activity.
Over the last 70 years, continual advancements in analytical technologies and computing power have made it possible for scientists to accurately estimate the age of artifacts - objects that exist as a result of human activity, as well as sediment - rock and mineral fragments. Modern technology allows us to identify the chemical composition of many organic and inorganic materials. Some examples include the geologic materials our ancestors used to create pigments and clay (Clelland et al., 2015); biological material like calculus from teeth to interpret ancient diet (Cristiani, et al., 2018) and intact genetic material from preserved bone and hair. Being able to gather quantitative data (numerical data) from organic and inorganic archaeological materials has revolutionized our ability to understand the past.
This is a far cry from the methods and interpretations made by British Victorian antiquarians who collected artifacts from sites all over the world. Sadly, many of the most famous artifacts were removed from sites without any description of where they came from, unless that made them more expensive. The majority of the looted objects were bought and sold by aristocrats as part of the art scene or put on display in private collections. With the world’s appreciation of archaeological materials focused on beauty and artistic skill, the question of age wasn’t explored in any significant way until the late 1800s.
V. Gordon Childe, an Australian archaeologist, is credited with bringing the idea of determining dates for archaeological materials to British archaeology in the late 1920s. This new approach, called culture-historical archaeology, emphasized classification of objects and the creation of typologies, allowing researchers to identify distinct ancient cultures (Trigger, 2007). This more meticulous approach also enabled researchers to assign ancient societies to different time periods, forming the basis of relative dating, or the ability to differentiate older artifacts from younger ones. No longer were artifacts just called “ancient”; now it was possible to accurately assign artifacts to different periods that were corroborated by written records. Oral traditions also became recognized as a valuable perspective on ancient history. While groups of artifacts could now be given a general time frame for when they were made and used, precise dates would not be possible until the Radiocarbon Revolution in the 1940s. In the United States, the method of radiometric dating came directly out of research on radioactive minerals, like uranium-235, which was being studied for its capacity to generate massive amounts of energy. After the deployment of atomic weapons in the 1940s, scientists gained a new understanding of the nature of objects at the atomic level.
As a scientific endeavor, modern archaeological analysis utilizes current technology and analysis techniques, keeping research fresh, active, and dynamic. It integrates the knowledge, expertise, and perspectives of researchers globally by agreeing to use the same notation, allowing information to be shared and disseminated more easily and accurately. The chart below summarizes the most commonly used notation for reporting dates.
Notation |
Meaning |
Dates for Çatalhöyük (Turkey) |
Context |
years ago |
calendar years ago |
9,500 to 8,400 years ago |
Informal, public settings |
BC / AD |
Before Christ / anno Domini |
7500 BC to 6400 BC |
Mass media and historical records from Christian authors |
Before Common Era / Common Era |
7500 BCE to 6400 BCE |
Scientific and academic writing. Faith-neutral version of BC / AD |
|
BP |
years Before Present (present is 1950 CE) |
9,450 - 8,350 BP |
Scientific and academic writing, simplifies BCE / CE dates |
calibrated years Before Present |
9,219 - 8,889 cal BP (+/- 200) |
Radiometric dates corrected using calibration curve, adjusted to 1950 CE scale |
|
RCYBP |
Radiocarbon Years Before Present |
9,219 - 8,889 RCYBP (+/- 200) |
Alternative notation for cal BP |
cal BCE |
calibrated years Before Common Era |
7,269 - 6,939 cal BCE (+/- 200) |
Radiometric dates corrected using calibration curve, adjusted to 0 CE scale |
Chart 1: Comparison of the most common abbreviations seen in archaeological dating (Hakanson, 2022).
Clarifying sequences of events is the most valuable benefit of dating archaeological materials. For example, through relative dating gleaned from thousands of Egyptian, Roman, and Greek records, we know that the Egyptian pharaoh Tutankhamun ruled during the 18th dynasty of the New Kingdom period. And, through radiometric dating of plant remains found in his tomb, we know that his reign was from 1353 to 1331 BCE, earlier than Egyptologists had previously thought based on written records alone (Balter, 2010).
Having a precise date range allows us to have a global context for archaeological finds. This helps us to recognize that many societies have flourished throughout history and across the globe, not just in places with written records and intensive agriculture. It also helps in the identification of fakes and forgeries, which for centuries have misled well-meaning people into poorly-informed interpretations of human social behavior. Scientifically-informed dating methods give archaeology credibility as a science, which builds trust between researchers and communities who seek help in understanding our shared past.
Relative Dating
Fundamentals
With the right information, it’s possible to reconstruct a sequence of events. This is a fundamental concept used in archaeology, and it is an idea that can be traced to the field of geology. Geologic processes are an essential component of any archaeological investigation because they help us reconstruct the order of events that happened at a site. By comparing observations about erosion, volcanic eruption, flooding, and seismic activity to the patterns we see in rock and soil, we can piece together the geologic history of a specific area. Just as rivers can change their course in a few decades, we know that ancient rivers like the Rio Grande can carve through rock if given enough time, creating natural features like the Grand Canyon. There are many awe-inspiring natural features all over the world, and they are all examples of the depth of Geologic Time or Deep Time, which is also discussed in the Social Impact chapter of this text.
The geologic time scale can be difficult to understand because geologic processes take place over thousands-to-millions of years. We rely on the observations of our predecessors to understand how slowly our planet changes. The law of superposition is the idea that if you choose one specific patch of soil, and you dig down through the different layers, the layers at the bottom of your hole were deposited first. Then, as you move up out of the hole, each layer you see as you get closer to the surface is younger than the one below. This phenomenon was described by the Danish scientist Nicolaus Steno in 1669. He also observed that, especially on a large scale, sediments are usually deposited in horizontal, flat-lying layers (Montgomery & Dathe, 1994).
As people use resources and set up their homes in places, they leave behind evidence of what they are doing. Certain parts of the globe have had people living in the same place for tens, or even hundreds, of thousands of years, which allows layer after layer of artifacts to accumulate over time. In other places where people did not spend significant time, or there were fewer people around, so there were fewer opportunities for things to be left behind for archaeologists to find.
Relative dates help us determine whether or not something is older than or younger than something else, but doesn't give specific years. For example, the Law of Superposition is a relative dating method. In Figure 1, we can use this law to determine that G is younger than A, but we do not know how much younger it is. Layer G and all included archaeological materials are younger relative to layer A.

Determining cultural periods

Relative dating also refers to assigning an object to a cultural period based on its color, size, shape, and other physical characteristics. To do this accurately, archaeologists must cross-reference the objects they find with descriptions of artifacts compiled by previous archaeologists, historians, and looters. Museums have millions of artifacts in their collections that are used as reference when a new object is found. By organizing artifacts into categories based on where they were found, what they are made of, their shape, their thickness, their length, and other attributes, archaeologists and historians have been able to “chunk out” different periods of time based on what people were making and doing. This is called seriation, arrangement in a series or orderly sequence. Stylistic seriation focuses on different designs or styles of objects, and frequency seriation compares the proportional abundance of a design style through time (Figure 2).
There are many different cultural periods defined around the world, created by the local archaeologists who conduct the research. Chinese archaeologists define the Paleolithic, Neolithic, Ancient, Imperial, and Modern periods, while Ecuadorian archaeologists focus on the Formative, Pre-Inca, and Colonial periods. It can be confusing keeping these different divisions straight, and they change over time. Focusing on the age of specific settlements, artifacts, or events can make the picture clearer, revealing the diversity of human societies through time.

A diagnostic artifact is a specific type of artifact that marks a specific period of time in the archaeological record. Once a chronology of artifact types and styles is built for a region, it is extremely useful for archaeologists. Clovis points, a prehistoric projectile point style and manufacturing process, is diagnostic of the Paleoindian Period. This point style was used across modern-day United States and Mexico (Figure 3).
No matter where a Clovis point is found, it can be used to date associated artifacts and contexts to the Clovis Period, approximately 13,000 - 11,000 BP (Halligan et al., 2016). The style, size, and materials used by the Clovis culture are consistent enough for researchers to say that the technique is the same, and that Clovis culture, including the knowledge of how to make their distinctive point, quickly spread as an idea throughout the region, much faster than the artifacts themselves could have moved. This tells us that the communities of the Paleoindian Period were well connected and able to communicate quickly and accurately over long distances. The discovery of stone tools that are older than Clovis has clearly demonstrated that humans were in the Americas at least 14,000 years ago, causing many archaeologists to revisit the story of when humans first arrived (Halligan et al., 2016).

Anatomically modern humans have been around for at least 200,000 years. However, most archaeological investigations focus on the last 20,000 years of cultural development (at least in the Americas). If we use the geologic time scale to describe the current position of Homo sapiens in the sands of time, we live in the Cenozoic Era, during the Quaternary Period, in the Holocene Epoch. While not officially accepted by the scientific community, archaeologists have pointed out that humans have accelerated climate change and other environmental catastrophes, leading to the discussion of calling the period starting in 1950 the Anthropocene (Figure 4)
Methods
Written markers
Written records can be used to date significant events, people, locations, and also add qualitative data to our understanding of past religions, worldviews, and behaviors. Writing systems use different sets of symbols to represent sounds or ideas. Many different forms of writing have existed over time (Figure 5).
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Figure 5 - Images of writing systems that have existed over time, left to right:
Jiahu symbols: 6,000 BCE, Peiligang culture, China (Unnamed author, US public domain via Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jiahu_writing.svg);
Intaglio Indus script seal: 2,200 BCE, Harappan culture, India and Pakistan. (Harappa Archaeological Research Project, educational use. https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/styles/galleryformatter_slide/public/slides/5_2_0.jpg?itok=dSuWH7W5);
Fragment of a wall with hieroglyphs from the tomb of Seti I: 1,294 BCE, Egyptian culture, Egypt. (Unnamed Egyptian scribe, Copyrighted free use via Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hieroglyphs_from_the_tomb_of_Seti_I.jpg);
Private letter in cuneiform script: 1,632 BCE, Babylonian culture, Syria.
(Unnamed Babylonian, US public domain via Wikimedia Commons. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/321706).
Ancient scripts have to be deciphered before archaeologists can use the information contained within the text to make interpretations about past cultures. It took archaeologists several decades to decipher Maya glyphs, using objects like the Dresden Codex (a bark-paper book from the 1200s) to meticulously document and cross-reference each glyph. Once Mesoamerican archaeologists could “read” the thousands of stone tablets and codices, our understanding of Maya society was revolutionized (Figure 6).

Unnamed scribes, by Linear77 CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:DresdenCodexCorrectReadingSequence.jpg
Sometimes people documented the exact date a significant event happened, such as in diaries, wills, official records, books, photographs, and newspapers. In North America, Historic archaeologists use written records extensively in their research. In some cases, Historic archaeologists use excavation and artifact analysis to test the accuracy of written records. This is where archaeological techniques cross over into forensic science. Some documents from the colonial period are used by Prehistoric archaeologists to reconstruct pre-colonial societies, but written records before that time are rare. Instead, most cultural knowledge was passed on through generations using oral traditions.
Dendrochronology

Dendrochronology was one of the first instrumental methods used to date archaeological materials. The technique works by counting individual growth rings on a cross-section of lumber or whole trees that were used by humans for building structures or producing wooden artifacts (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, n.d.). Trees grow by adding layers of new material to their outside surface. There are visible rings on a cross-section of a cut tree - each ring is the outer layer of the tree that was covered up by the growth it experienced the following year. The color and size of the rings also reflect changing environmental conditions or even injuries and times of stress for the tree (Figure 7).
The twist is that counting the rings on a cut tree only tells you how old that tree was when it was cut down. What if that tree was cut down and used to build an adobe 100 years ago? The real question that needs to be answered is how long ago that tree was growing. Dendrochronology databases have been created using thousands of tree samples in Europe and the Americas. By laying these timelines side by side, and adjusting their alignment until all of the sizes and colors of the growth rings match, archaeologists have identified long, unbroken spans of time, a sort of tree ring clock. English archaeologists applied this technique to the Sweet Track, an ancient timber causeway in the Somerset region in the early 1990s. By comparing the growth rings from the individual wood pieces in the causeway to samples in several databases, they were able to date the feature to precisely 3,807 BCE (New Scientist, 1990). No other instrumental technique is this precise.
Fluorine dating
Chemical dating was developed in the 19th century and represents one of the early attempts to use soil composition and chemistry to date artifacts. A specific type of chemical dating is fluorine dating, and it is commonly used to compare the age of the soil around artifacts located in close proximity. Soils contain different amounts of chemicals, and those chemicals, such as fluorine, can be absorbed by human and animal bones buried in the soil. The longer the remains are in the soil, the more fluorine they will absorb (Cook and Ezra-Cohn, 1959). This technique is particularly useful for determining whether different artifacts come from the same burial context. If they were buried in the same soil for the same length of time, their fluorine signatures should match. The infamous Piltdown Man forgery was identified as a fake by using fluorine dating. The specimen was presented as Darwin’s “Missing Link”, when in fact the cranium came from at least two medieval era humans, and the jaw came from a modern Bornean orangutan. All three parts had different amounts of fluorine present, indicating that they were not all buried at the same time, and couldn’t all be from the same individual. (De Groote et al., 2016).
Palynology

Palynology is the study of pollen grains and other airborne spores. Like dendrochronology, this technique relies on our knowledge of past environmental periods and ecology to make estimates about when humans were doing things. Plants produce and release their pollen at predictable times of year. Also, different species of plants produce pollen grains of different sizes, shapes, and textures. Pollen can be extracted from soil samples from an archaeological site, and then examined under a microscope. Archaeologists trained in this technique can distinguish different genera of grasses, trees, shrubs, and other plants based on pollen grains (Figure 8).
By figuring out which types of plants left their pollen in the stratigraphic levels of a site, those levels can be linked to different paleoenvironments, and thus time periods. For example, there was a dramatic change in the types of plants living during the Pleistocene compared to the Holocene. There was also a shift in how common grasses were compared to trees. Link the amount and types of pollen found on the surface of a stone tool to a specific time period, and you can estimate when humans were at that spot. It can also help determine what season of the year a site was used, presence or absence of agricultural practices or products, and plant-related activity areas within an archaeological context (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, n.d.).
Radiometric Dating
The age of the Earth had been a hotly debated topic in the western world beginning in about the 1600s. Religious leaders, philosophers, and physicists made both educated estimates and tedious calculations in their attempt to define it. The debate intensified in the 1700s with new theories from the geosciences (mentioned earlier). However, the stage was not set for the technique that would lay most of these questions to rest until 1896, when radioactivity was discovered.
In January of 1896, while investigating the curiosity of some uranium salts that continue to emit light after a light source is removed, Henri Becquerel discovered that something coming from these salts was able to pass through metal photographic plates. He had discovered X-rays, sparking a period of intense research into radioactivity. We now know that uranium is among several dozen natural elements that are radioactive - emit energy and particles as individual atoms break down to form other elements. Thorium, polonium, and radium were identified as radioactive by Marie Skłodowska-Curie and her husband Pierre Curie. They were awarded half of the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1903 for their discoveries, along with Becquerel (Nobel Prize Outreach, 2021; Nobel Lectures, 1967).
A radioactive isotope is one with an unstable nuclear configuration. Over time, radioactive isotopes undergo radioactive decay - the nucleus loses energy and emits particles in an attempt to become stable.

For cobalt-60, which has a half-life of 5.27 years, 50% remains after 5.27 years (one half-life), 25% remains after 10.54 years (two half-lives), 12.5% remains after 15.81 years (three half-lives), and so on.
The way we describe how quickly each type of isotope breaks down is the unit half-life, defined as the length of time required for half of a given number of atoms of that isotope to decay. As an example, the half-life of the radioactive isotope Cobalt-60 is 5.27 years (5 years and 99 days). If a rock sample starts off with 1,000 atoms of Cobalt-60, then after 5.27 years, half of it will decay away naturally, leaving 500 atoms. After another 5.27 years, half of the remaining 500 atoms will decay, and 250 will be left, and so on. Every radioactive isotope has a standard decay curve calculated using statistics and principles of nuclear physics (Montgomery & Dathe, 1994). (Figure 9).
Radiocarbon Dating
The development of radiocarbon dating has had a profound impact on archaeology. In addition to permitting more accurate dating within archaeological sites than previous methods, it allows comparison of dates of events across great distances. Histories of archaeology often refer to its impact as the "radiocarbon revolution". Radiocarbon dating has allowed key transitions in prehistory to be dated, such as the end of the last ice age, and the beginning of the Neolithic and Bronze Age in different regions (Marra, 2019).
Atoms of Carbon-12 (abbreviated 12C) and Carbon-14 (abbreviated 14C) are found in all organic materials and some inorganic materials. 12C is a stable form with 6 neutrons and 6 protons. 14C, however, has an unstable nucleus containing 8 neutrons and 6 protons. When an atom of 14C decays, a neutron is converted to a proton plus an electron. The proton remains in the nucleus, while the electron (beta particle) is ejected. The result of the decay process is an atom of 14N, which is not radioactive since it has a balance of 7 protons, 7 neutrons, and 7 electrons. As such, 14C is the most commonly called upon carbon isotope for radiometric dating in archaeology.

One of the frequent uses of this technique is to date organic remains from archaeological sites. Plants absorb atmospheric carbon during photosynthesis, so the level of 14C in plants and animals when they die approximately equals the level of 14C in the atmosphere at that time. However, the moment they die, the 14C in their body begins undergoing radioactive decay, allowing the date of death or fixation to be estimated (Figure 10). The initial 14C level for the calculation can either be estimated, or directly compared with known year-by-year data from tree-ring data up to 10,000 years ago or cave speleothems dated back to about 45,000 years BP. By comparing the amounts of 14C and 12C contained in a sample with tree ring or cave-deposit carbon-14 levels of a known age, archaeologists produce an approximate age for the sample (Marra, 2019).
The half-life of 14C is 5,730 years, meaning that this technique can give reliable results for objects as old as 40,000 - 65,000 years. After that point, there are so few atoms of 14C left that you need extremely sensitive equipment to detect it, and the age estimate will be less precise. Uncalibrated age estimates are reported using these conventions: “14C year ± date range BP". For example, the uncalibrated “raw” date "3510 ± 60 BP" indicates that the sample’s uncalibrated age is 3,510 years before present, with an error of 60 years. When reading a technical article that includes radiocarbon dates, you may see uncalibrated or calibrated dates, or both.
Mass spectrometry
Measurement of 14C and 12C was originally done by beta-counting devices, which counted the amount of beta particles emitted by decaying 14C atoms. More recently accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) has become the method of choice because it counts all the 14C atoms in the sample, not just the beta particles. Because it accounts for every atom 14C, it can be used with much smaller samples (as small as individual plant seeds), and gives results more quickly (Christie et al., 2018).
AMS counts the atoms of 14C and 12C in a given sample, determining the 14C/12C ratio directly. The sample, often in the form of graphite, is made to emit C− ions (carbon atoms with an extra electron, giving them a slight negative charge), which are injected into an accelerator. The ions are accelerated and passed through a stripper, which removes several electrons so that the ions emerge with a positive charge. The ions, which may have from 1 to 4 positive charges (C+ to C4+), depending on the accelerator design, are then passed through a magnet that curves their path; the heavier ions are curved less than the lighter ones, so the different isotopes emerge as separate streams of ions (Figure 16). A particle detector then records the number of ions detected in the 14C stream (Christie et al., 2018).
Radiocarbon dating is generally limited to dating samples no more than 50,000 years old. Samples older than this will have extremely small amounts of 14C present. Older dates have been obtained by using special sample preparation techniques, large samples, and very long measurement times to compensate for the challenge of measuring trace amounts of 14C. These techniques can allow measurement of dates up to 60,000 and in some cases up to 75,000 years before the present (Walker & Walker, 2005). Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry (IRMS) is another form of mass spectrometry used by archaeologists to analyze isotopic ratios of nitrogen, 13C, strontium (Sr), and carbonate (CO3). These analyses do not produce absolute dates, but can assist in assigning ranges of relative dates or to make interpretations about ecological conditions at the time of formation (marine shell from prehistoric sites is a popular candidate for IRMS analysis).
Luminescence dating
Thermoluminescence can be used to date materials containing crystalline minerals to a specific heating event. This is useful for ceramics, as it determines the approximate date of firing, as well as for lava, or even sediments that were exposed to substantial sunlight. Natural background radiation creates defects in the molecular crystal structure, which traps electrons. Electrons can be released from the crystalline traps by stimulating them with external energy, producing luminescence, or spontaneous light. Thermoluminescence (TL) involves heating samples, while optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) involves exposing samples to high intensity light (Beck, 1994).

The longer the crystals are affected by this radiation the more electrons are trapped. Archaeologists and geologists calculate the age of a sediment sample based on the time since the sample was last exposed to sunlight or intense heat. Sunlight bleaches away the luminescence signal and resets the time 'clock'. The main minerals used in luminescence dating are quartz and potassium feldspar, a common igneous mineral (USGS Luminescence Dating Laboratory, n.d.). The intensity of the luminescence varies depending on the amount of radiation absorbed when the mineral grains were buried, and specific properties of the mineral being stimulated (Figure 11).
Most luminescence dating methods rely on the assumption that the mineral grains were sufficiently bleached at the time of the event being dated. For example, for quartz crystals, a daylight exposure in the range of 1–100 seconds before burial is sufficient to “reset” the OSL dating clock (Rhodes, 2011). Also, ceramics must have been fired to at least 400°C, or 752° F (Seeley, 1975). The amount of light produced is a specific and measurable phenomenon. If the specimen’s sensitivity to ionizing radiation is known, the released thermoluminescence can be translated into a specific amount of time since the formation of the crystal structure. Because this accumulation of trapped electrons begins with the formation of the crystal structure, thermoluminescence can date crystalline materials to their date of formation; for ceramics, this is the moment they are fired (Beck, 1994). Single Quartz OSL ages can be determined for samples from 100 to 350,000 years BP (Murray & Olley, 2002).
Electron spin resonance
Like thermoluminescence dating, electron spin resonance dating is based on the measurement of accumulated background radiation from the burial environment. It is used on artifacts and rocks with crystalline structures, including tooth enamel, shell, and rock. The radiation causes electrons to become dislodged from their normal orbit. They become trapped in the crystalline matrix and affect the electromagnetic energy of the object. This energy can be measured and used to estimate the length of time in the burial environment. This technique works well for remains as old as two million years (Carvajal et al., 2011). It has the added benefit of being nondestructive, which is an important consideration when dealing with irreplaceable material (King & Zajicek, 2019).
Potassium-Argon (K-Ar) and Argon-Argon (Ar-Ar) Dating
Radiocarbon dating does not work on fossilized materials because there is no viable organic material left in the sample, but several other types of radiometric dating can be used to determine the age of rocks formed around a fossil. Through the process of radioactive decay, potassium-40 (40K) decays to argon-40 (40Ar) gas, which gets trapped in the crystalline structures of volcanic minerals. When a potassium-bearing mineral is crystallizing, 40Ar atoms are not normally trapped within the growing crystal. However, once the crystal is formed, 40K trapped within the crystal lattice begins to decay into 40Ar. This means that all of the 40Ar measured in a sample came from the decay of 40K trapped within the crystal. By plugging the amounts of 40K and 40Ar found in the crystal into a special algebraic equation, researchers can estimate the age of the rock or mineral (McDougall & Harrison, 1999).
Argon-Argon (Ar-Ar) dating uses the same principles, the difference being that the ratios of 40Ar and 39Ar are compared instead of determining absolute quantities. This is accomplished by neutron irradiation from a nuclear reactor to convert a stable form of potassium (39K) into the radioactive argon-39 (39Ar) gas. The advantage of this method is that a smaller sample is needed. Another advantage is the analysis is performed after one exposure to the nuclear reactor. In comparison, K-Ar dating requires an extra step for the potassium isotopes to be counted, and then the sample is run again to get a count on the argon (McDougall & Harrison, 1999). Multiple “runs” through a nuclear reactor degrades the sample and can introduce error.

One of the most well-known applications of K-Ar dating in paleoanthropology is the dating of the Laetoli Footprints in modern-day Tanzania. Laetoli is a site in the nation of Tanzania, dated to the Plio-Pleistocene and famous for its hominin footprints preserved in volcanic ash (Figure 12). Based on the results of K-Ar dating on mineralized ash, a group of three Australopithecus afarensis made the trek through raining ash, followed by a cooling rain, about 3.7 million years ago. Footprints from other animals were also preserved and are dated to the same period. By combining relative and radiometric dating techniques, paleoanthropologists were able to confidently assign this ancient date, drastically improving our understanding of our primate predecessors.
Further considerations
It’s safe to say that over time, the dating methods used by archaeologists have become more complicated, requiring more advanced techniques and instruments to gather data. Archaeologists rarely work in isolation. A project will involve archaeologists specializing in special dating techniques, or the help of technicians who will generate the data that the archaeologist will then use to analyze the site. Extremely technical sample preparation processes and instrumental analysis that was only used by geologists, biologists, and other natural scientists is now being integrated into archaeological analysis. This has also opened the door to researchers from other nations who are now able to collaborate in real time using the internet.
Radiometric dating techniques help us determine when sites were occupied or used when other techniques - like the written record - can't help us. However, it is often wise to use radiocarbon dating techniques - even when the written record is available - as it can reveal surprising dates that force us to reflect on our own biases and the ways in which our narratives are incomplete. There are many examples of when absolute dates challenged what archaeologists and historians thought they knew.
Also, while absolute dates have elevated the public perception of archaeologists and what they are able to learn from past societies, it has also created ethical issues, especially when it comes to analyzing human remains and objects removed from burials. Laboratory analyses are sterile and abstract methods for understanding the past, in comparison to traditional stories, customs, and beliefs. In many nations, the archaeologist is also responsible for complying with laws governing human remains. An archaeologist who discovers a burial may be excited to conduct as many analyses as possible on the items in the burial and what remains of the person, but this might not sit well for descendants of the person buried. More details regarding appropriate treatment of human remains and burial objects can be found in the Bioarchaeology chapter of this text.
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Kaitlin Hakanson, M.A., R.P.A. Linkville Cultural Resource Management, Klamath Falls, OR, USA
When Kaitlin turned 17, she participated in her first archaeological field school at Mission San Antonio de Padua in central California. Since then, she has been a part of field work focusing on pre-colonial lifeways in Ecuador, Utah, California, and Oregon. In 2015, she completed a Master of Arts degree in Applied Anthropology from Oregon State University (go Beavs!) with a minor in Geosciences. Kaitlin has taught Anthropology and Sociology courses as adjunct faculty at Klamath Community College and Oregon Tech in Klamath Falls. Now she is running a cultural resources consulting firm serving central and southern Oregon. When she isn't working on a project, she enjoys spending time with friends and family, making arts and crafts, and working in the garden.
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Learning Objectives
- Explain how archaeologists define cultural patrimony
- Explain how archaeology aims to protect cultural patrimony
- Describe different threats to archaeological sites and cultural heritage
- Explain the role of ethics in international archaeological research and historic preservation
Why should we protect the human past?
Cultural Resource Management[/pb_glossary] (CRM) relies on an understanding of what makes culture important and distinct from one human community to another. Archaeology relies on excavation and other scientific methods to understand the culture of ancient societies and answer questions about contemporary societies. As technology advances, archaeologists are not relying as much on excavation as we can also use less invasive methods to study sites and reduce site destruction.
The National Park Service uses a term known as Traditional Cultural Properties (TCP) which refers to geographical places of great shared cultural importance through multiple generations. (See Traditional Cultural Places and Indian Sacred Sites to learn more about TCP in the United States.) When we know the location of these TCP, we can avoid them out of respect. That is, archaeologists can decide not to excavate an area to protect ancestral remains and culturally significant artifacts (objects used and made by humans) from destructive forces. Unfortunately, not everyone shares this belief in the importance of preservation and some sites are destroyed intentionally through looting (illegally removing objects from sites) by people hoping to find economically valuable artifacts. This is in addition to natural forces that cause damage to these sites, for instance, erosion due to wind and rain. In this chapter, we will examine some of the major techniques of Cultural Resource Management and archaeology so you can understand how science works to preserve ancient cultures in contemporary times and, more importantly, why we should protect the human past.
Back in the mid-1990s, archaeologists at the national Society for American Archaeology (SAA) created and adopted a series of “9 Principles of Archaeological Ethics” that guide our actions throughout our research, including at field sites. This 7-page document is updated periodically and reminds us of our responsibilities as scientists and as protectors of land and culture. (Here is the document if you would like to learn all the details of these principles – Principles of Archaeological Ethics.) For this chapter, we will focus on the first three principles from this document.
- Principle 1 is about stewardship and helps us focus on preservation and protection of the human past, remembering that the accurate interpretation of the archaeological record relies on a respectful relationship with the descent communities. These are the people most directly related to the ancestors we uncover in our research.
- Principle 2 notes that archaeologists are accountable. That is they need to make every reasonable effort to actively consult and work with descent groups, ensuring clear lines of communication throughout the process so that there are no misunderstandings or mistrust.
- Principle 3 focuses on commercialization, or the use of the artifacts that are found as commodities that can be sold for profit or personal enjoyment. The market for these artifacts, which is often illegal, has resulted in the destruction of archaeological sites and of the information that the context of these sites can provide to better understand these societies. Looting believes in the idea of “finders keepers,” which is the opposite of the scientific research carried out by archaeologists that is based on preservation and education (Society for American Archaeology 2024).
As archaeologists, we rely on knowing a wide variety of natural environments as well as the peoples who lived and sometimes still live in a location. We need to know where we are, or are NOT, allowed to work and study within archaeological sites which requires getting permits and establishing collaborations with local institutions and communities. Before we begin looking at how archaeologists work at these sites to promote the principles of stewardship, accountability, and protection from commercialization that we noted above, we need to go back and learn about how the first scientists who practiced archaeology created this field.
For much of the history of archaeology, and anthropology more broadly, we focused on collecting and collections with an emphasis on salvage ethnography. The idea of salvage ethnography is that field anthropologists would interview members of a descent community. The goal was to gather as many personal histories, myths or sacred stories, and linguistic notes as possible before the Indigenous communities or earliest known civilizations in a specific locale disappeared. Salvage archaeologists, for their part in these investigations, focused on obtaining the cultural materials from the descendent communities as well as from archaeological excavations. Most anthropologists received proper training and gathered all the necessary information to keep the materials intact such as the name of the owner, the materials, and perhaps even the process of creating the object. Some salvage archaeologists systematically gathered data which is still available for reference today. This combination of well-trained anthropologists and careful data collection help us to figure out the cultural patrimony which refers to all the aspects of culture a community owns, which is built on that community’s past, whether it is through written records, material culture, or oral histories.
Cultural patrimony can be difficult when it comes to nonmaterial culture such as stories, songs, and performances, but identifying material culture as belonging to just one society can also be challenging. Many nations who lived close to one another shared raw materials and conducted economic trade of finished goods. Additionally, as people moved, techniques traveled from one community to another through intermarriage which reminds us that there are many ways for artifacts to move among communities. New types of technologies are providing clues in the creation of the objects that help us to narrow down a projectile point, such as an arrowhead, to the Pacific Northwest, the Great Lakes region, or the Southwest. Ancient trade routes such as evidence of trade between Ireland and the U.K. based on Cornish gold. Learn more from this article link Archaeologists Discover Evidence of Prehistoric Gold Trade Route.
While the concept of protecting these objects of cultural patrimony goes back to the early 1900s, the use of the term CRM shows up for the first time in the early 1970s. Archaeologists in the United States historically worked for the government or for research institutions such as museums or universities, but an increasing number of these archaeologists founded their own firms, working alongside construction companies and for transportation organizations as contract archaeologists. Instead of working for the Department of the Interior or the Bureau of Land Management, the archaeologists of the 1970s began to create their own projects and train their students to do the same.

Most international protections of archaeological sites and artifacts are administrated through UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. The relevant legislation is the UNESCO Convention of 1970 on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. This is an international treaty, which regulates the import and export of cultural objects. Two years later, in 1972, the Convention Concerning the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage first created World Heritage Sites. A World Heritage Site is recognized by UNESCO as having cultural, historical, and/or scientific significance to humanity as a whole, and is protected by international treaty. To access some wonderful resources through the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), please go to this website where you have access to four PDFs to explain practical ways to manage World Heritage Sites – Managing Disaster Risks for World Heritage. This will help you better understand the preservation practices in practice at places such as Machu Picchu in Peru, the Parthenon in Greece, the pyramids of Giza in Egypt, and ancient temples throughout Southeast Asia (Figure 1).
Early archaeologists relied on paper maps and local knowledge of important locations. Now that we have advanced technologies like GPS and satellite maps of the surface of the Earth, we can anticipate and proactively protect ancient Indigenous sites like Mesa Verde National Park in southwestern Colorado (Figure 2). There are no Indigenous populations living in this National Park today, and archaeologists are still debating the reasons that these sites were abandoned in the past.

When the National Park first opened in 1906, long before it became a protected site in 1978 thanks to UNESCO, people helped themselves to artifacts and wandered all over the property, doing irreparable harm during this looting. That damage means we have lost archaeological knowledge forever, and descent communities have lost their physical links to their ancestors. To learn about the descendent communities associated with Mesa Verde who are related to the Ancestral Puebloan Nations who left over 700 years ago, see The 26 Associated Tribes of Mesa Verde.
Now, both tourist and scientific access is limited, and any artifacts discovered are claimed by the museum on site. There is a timeline from the 1700s to the present to learn about Mesa Verde’s history – Important Events in the Development and Preservation of Mesa Verde National Park (National Park Service 2024).
In addition natural processes can uncover previously hidden archaeological sites. In the early 2000s, a wildfire in the National Park exposed some living sites previously unknown to archaeologists. Learn more about those fires and the aftermath at Mesa Verde from a non-scientific point of view in the article After the Fires, (Gaug 2001). Since these sites had not previously been examined, specialists came in to investigate which were the sacred (religiously important to a culture and/or its descent community) sites and which were the secular (everyday, non-sacred) portions.
Scientific and Humanistic Approaches
In anthropology, we separate our research approaches into two major categories: the scientific approach and the humanistic approach. As you might imagine, the scientific approach is very data-driven, where we emphasize statistics and categorization. At a site like Mesa Verde, how many lithic (tools made of stone) points are there? How many of these points are made from stone available in the local area? How many are made from non-local sources and were perhaps traded from other locations? How many of these points show wear patterns? What do those wear patterns indicate about their use? To answer some of these questions, we might rely on the following scientific approaches to create ideas about Mesa Verde's past secular (everyday, non-spiritual) activities:
- Source analyses of the stone's chemical composition
- Experimental archaeology
Such methods allow us to reconstruct the technological past and think about the human behaviors that moved and modified the lithic materials.
How do we use the humanistic approach properly in archaeology? After all, if archaeology is the study of the human past, we need to include the specific humanity of the population and focus on learning everything we can about their culture (the behaviors that are shared and learned). We need to discover their demography (their population statistics such as adult vs. juvenile; healthy vs. sick; etc.) as well as their behavioral patterns such as how they processed and stored their food, with whom they traded, etc. While demography offers data-driven, research-based information about cultures, we cannot learn as much as we would like about individual lives of people within a population. The main exception to this is when there are precise written records available from primary sources (evidence left by the people at the time such as documents and other artifacts).
Sacred sites mean that for a culture, specific areas were treated differently by the community. Some sacred sites were used every day while others were used just for special purposes, such as initiation ceremonies (changing social status within a group from outsider to insider or child to adult). Some were private and inside buildings while others were meant to be accessible to everyone in the community. How do we know from studying these sites that they are sacred, and why does this matter to Cultural Heritage?
Sacred sites are important locations for a society, as they offer cohesion for the social system, especially in times of stress. Some sacred sites may be in the midst of secular areas, like burials within a trash midden. Other sacred sites will be apart, both physically and emotionally, from the secular parts of life. For example, in the middle of the holiest part of a site, but we might also find burials, objects of special value, and even ways to protect the sacred space from accidental discovery (hidden behind several sets of doors, for example).
Secular sites, while important to daily community life, can be rebuilt by smaller groups. If there is a house fire, another house can be constructed. However, it is much more challenging to recreate a sacred place for the origin of a culture (ethnogenesis) or a temple site for belief system no longer practiced or practiced in different ways. The biggest challenge is that we need to know which sites, or parts of sites, are the most important to the descent group before we perform analysis. If that community has been gone for generations or centuries, the challenge to identify the sacred spaces might be too large for us to tackle.
Even if a culture no longer lives in their original homeland, they might still have descendants whose rights and beliefs need to be respected. Just because someone follows the traditions of a specific religion, does not mean that they practice their faith the same way every other member of that religion does. Faith is personal in practice and belief. It is important to keep the humanistic approach in mind when collecting data since every discovery is potentially part of someone’s life, whether we know the descent community or not.
There are a lot of questions about who has the right to say whether archaeologists should work with descendent communities or if we should stay away. Each community knows what they want to accomplish, and if they are looking for an archaeologist to set up a CRM program for a sovereign native or indigenous Nation, there will be a job posting. Keep in mind the layers of laws you will need to be familiar with, from local jurisdictions as well as international mandates. Ethics are just the beginning of the challenge.
Examples from CRM
While there are many private CRM firms across the country, working usually with construction companies, one of the largest employers of archaeologists in the State of California is the State itself. The two biggest employees for CRM specialists include the California Department of Transportation (CalTrans) and the California Department of Fire (CalFire).
One of the major reasons that CalTrans hires so many archaeologists is that the State is constantly building and upgrading the roads and highways, leading sometimes to the uncovering of native and other historic sites. The more we know ahead of time which societies lived in which specific areas, the better our chances of either avoiding starting construction in that location, or we can form a plan to excavate and move materials from sites if necessary. If artifacts need to be removed, there are several components to this relocation: who on the crew will excavate the actual artifacts and ancestral remains, and where will all the finds go at the end of the project? Each project has its own mitigation plan.
An example is the 41 Tehama Street, San Francisco project completed before a towering high-rise luxury apartment building was constructed. Sonoma State faculty and students helped with the archaeological work in downtown San Francisco in the middle of the business district. By doing this work, they learned about the modest everyday lives of Gold Rush residents in this part of the city. Based on a combination of historical maps and a wide variety of artifacts, archaeologists determined details of the lives of individual families. The David A. Fredrickson Archaeological Collections Facility at Sonoma State houses those objects, including children’s toys. To learn more, see 41 Tehama Street, San Francisco (Anthropological Studies Center 2018).
CalFire, of course, is interested in mitigating damage done by fires as well as avoiding them in the first place. While the emphasis is protection of human life, CalFire also is tasked with making sure properties are safe. If employees can work with archaeologists and descent communities to identify and protect archaeological sites well in advance of fire season, then firefighters can focus on keeping destruction to a minimum if burns begin. CalFire creates maps of places most likely to burn based on past events such as previous years’ fires, but they also need to track fast-moving wildfires spurred on by winds. It benefits the departments to have people trained in the identification and protection of archaeological sites so firefighters can focus instead on the crisis at hand.

The more human activity spreads out into geographic locations that are not sustainable for year-round water and food resources, the more difficult it is to reach those communities in times of disasters. The more we can plan ahead of time which archaeological sites need protection (and which should be left alone), the more CalFire can focus time on action plans.
One major challenge with creating these maps of sacred spaces is once the map is published, it usually becomes public. More often those maps end up as PDFs online for people to search and print. That means absolutely anyone, from construction crews to vandals, knows where important archaeological sites are. As you can imagine, that leads to increased challenges with protecting these sites from destruction. We are in a catch-22: if we do not have the maps, in cases of emergencies, we cannot know where to focus our attention; however, having the map means everyone knows everything about a specific locale. One possible solution is to create the maps and provide them only to emergency services.
Another challenge in reading an archaeological site is the introduction of invasive species (species introduced intentionally or otherwise that take over an ecosystem), which do not act in the same ways as the original landscape. California is packed with eucalyptus trees from Australia which are incredibly flammable. Eucalyptus comes in, as do fig trees, take over an ecosystem, then their roots crowd out the native plants, the burn patterns change (especially with the eucalyptus oil being so flammable), and it changes the landscape of archaeological sites in California.
It is important to keep in mind that Indigenous peoples throughout the world relied on fire technology long before European Contact. In fact, the reason that places like Yosemite ended up so lush is that the local Native Nations (Paiute, Miwok, and Ahwahnechee) used traditional methods to keep plants, trees, and grasses from overgrowing (Figure 3). Understanding the time of year and the proper conditions required for a successful burn meant that Native peoples in the past consciously managed the conservation of the landscape. You can learn more about native versus later ideas about natural resource management in an article titled How John Muir’s Brand of Conservation led to the Decline of Yosemite (Johnson 2014).
Experts such as Professors like Dr. Don Hankins from California State University Chico continue to practice Indigenous burning techniques today, modeling them for the next generations and for CalFire to better perform controlled burns. Here is about his work with traditional burning in California: Lighting Cultural Fires (Hannibal 2014).
Similar projects exist in areas of Australia and Canada. In Australia, since it is such a large continent with hundreds of different Aboriginal Nations, there were different techniques for using traditional fire management that encouraged wildlife to return as well as plants to drop open seeds for germination. To learn more about the methodology still used today, check out this webpage on Bush Heritage Australia Fire Management. We may not think of Canada as having similar challenges as California or Australia, but as another country with widely varied ecosystems, the reliance on Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) helps to save lives every year. Working with descent communities to restore ‘buffalo jumps’ similar to ones used by the ancestors means burning grasses to bring back new growth to encourage buffalo to feed near hunting places. To learn more about the variety of ways First Nations (the Indigenous Nations of Canada) continue to use their burning technology, please see Indigenous Fire Management and Traditional Knowledge.
What if we do have some sort of natural disaster headed our way: typhoon, volcano, earthquake, forest fire (hopefully not all the above)? Step one: archaeologists are not going to remain in the field trying to save a site. We cannot protect sites from disasters of any size. We might have spent time removing materials from a natural disaster previously just to deal with this all over again.
For example, there was a volcanic eruption in AD 79 at a site known as Pompeii in Italy. Today, that same volcano - Mt. Vesuvius is still active. Archaeologists need to constantly make decisions about where and why to excavate further along with how to display, preserve and curate what has already been uncovered. Why would an archaeologist make the decision NOT to excavate? Remember that as soon as material is exposed, it breaks down much faster than if skeletons, for example, remain in an anaerobic (without oxygen) environment. Think about how much time and money it takes to excavate an entire city and all its contents.
There is an entire Roman city at Pompeii that the ancient world knew about due to trade routes and city planners; historical records indicated exactly when Mount Vesuvius erupted and covered much of the surrounding area. There were even maps of the city itself and we know the exact location of the different homes, businesses, and roads in the city. The problem is that we do not know the exact use of every artifact found within the walls of Pompeii. We can make interpretations based on other objects from other cities, and that is the biggest clue. Yet, we must also keep in mind that this is a place where many peoples' ancestors lost their lives and in some ways, it is also an unplanned graveyard.
Ethical Display of Human Remains
A big question is how do we treat the ancestral remains with respect? What did the ancient Pompeiians believe about the afterlife and human remains compared to contemporary Italian cultural norms? The predominant religion in Italy today is Roman Catholicism which widely displays relics (personal items, including bodies, of religious people) in public. Is it permissible to have bodies on display since these people died naturally and were not buried? Often it is the decision of the local populations whether or not to display human remains. For now, the people in Southern Italy encourage tourists and archaeologists alike to visit Herculaneum and Pompeii, leave many of the casts and bones on public view and allow photos to be taken of the dead (Figure 4).

Another example are the naturally occurring mummies that can happen under ideal conditions around the world: tannin-filled peat bogs. The National Museum of Ireland's Archaeology building in Dublin, Ireland has several bog bodies on display. As an anthropologist, it's awe-inducing to see when nature has the perfect combination of tannins to preserve the ancestral remains and some of the artifacts, but not everyone would like to see human bodies on display. The museum set up the exhibits brilliantly where, if you wanted to just read the signs and learn about the artifacts and ancestors, you could. However, you would have to move off the main path to reach the actual bodies and could not accidentally come across them.
It is fantastic to realize that many of our archaeological finds are pure coincidence: many bog body stories begin with peat farmers preparing their land and finding arrowheads/pottery/gold hoards/human remains (not all in the same place). If we are lucky, the farmers stop, call the local law enforcement (especially if there are human remains) so that all the evidence is in situ. However, this is not always the case. Sometimes the peat farmers only have part of a body since they were cutting up large chunks of peat for fuel. In any case, we would like everything to remain where it was so that we show up so we can systematically excavate. The best museums may even set up their display to mimic the original provenience (the location of everything at a site) so that visitors experience an authentic reproduction of the site.
In the high terrain of the Andes, finding mummies requires more effort and luck than plowing a field. It might mean climbing up mountains and dealing with strong winds, mud, and altitude sickness, as well as language and cultural barriers. In some cases, local descent populations know exactly where these sacrifices were made but not necessarily how long ago.
As a scientist, what will you learn about these naturally mummified individuals? They are primarily young women of good health and high status. We can tell their high status biologically from the wear on their teeth, the lack of multiple fractures on their long bones as well as general health of the skeletal materials compared with other ancestors from that period. We are especially lucky with high altitude finds since that lack of oxygen leads to more organic materials remaining intact, including stomach content. We will rely on bioarchaeology (learning from skeletons both their life and death stories) to estimate approximate age at death as well as health, height, and cause of death in some cases. We can tell their high status socioeconomically from the artifacts surrounding them: the quality of their clothing and the quantity of the jewelry they are wearing are straight-forward indicators of their family’s wealth.
Here is where the story becomes more complicated. We also know that the women ingested large amounts of narcotics before they died, because the evidence remains in their system, but did they take this willingly or were they forced or coerced into taking the chemicals? When did they understand they would become a sacrifice to protect their entire population? How much fear did they have, and were they scared enough to try to run away? Perhaps some people think this is not scientific. Some people may think there is too much speculation involved at this point. This is your choice as an archaeologist how much cultural interpretation you want to include, but the facts show that there are levels of coca in her system that date back one year before her death as well as alcohol. Based on the large quantity of both alcohol and coca in her body at the time of death, she probably did not feel pain as she slipped away. To learn more about these women, please check out this article from Nature – Incan child mummies show evidence of sacrificial rituals. (Hayden 2013). (WARNING: link contains photographs of ancestral remains)
Both scientific and humanistic approaches to archaeology can be labeled according to the general theoretical approaches of processualism and postprocessualism, respectively. Processualism is the scientific approach in which we catalog the approximate age, approximate health, the biological sex based on the skeleton, the number of artifacts, and the approximate year the victim died. Postprocessualism uses a humanistic approach to present individual lives. For example, telling us about the victims personally which helps outsiders to connect with their stories, but those details are not guaranteed to be as accurate.
In both these case examples from Ireland and the Andes, even though their landscapes may be completely geologically different, CRM practitioners would have parallel training in how to identify and preserve these culturally significant sites. The reality is that when mummies are involved, as with any ancestral remains, we are most likely going to remove them for safe keeping until they can be returned to their descendant group or protected in a museum. These will be the same challenges for archaeologists working with Native sites in the United States.
NAGPRA and the Protection of Cultural Heritage in the U.S.
Finally, one of the most important recent pieces of legislation for anthropologists and ethnohistorians is the 1990 Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). It "address[es] the rights of lineal descendants, Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations (parties with standing) to Native American human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony (cultural items)" (Bureau of Reclamation 2021). In compliance with the act, for example, the federal agency titled the Bureau of Reclamation submitted a Reclamation Summary Report in 1993, five region specific inventories by the statutory deadline of 1995. They also note several inadvertent discoveries and intentional excavations of NAGPRA cultural items have occurred since 1990.
The main purpose is to include affiliated groups when you encounter indigenous ancestral graves or remains. Our desires to do science are not the primary concern. These are someone else’s relatives, and under the law and under our code of ethics, we should not pursue scientific studies without consultation. It is not that forensic anthropologists and bioarchaeologists cannot work with Native ancestral remains; it is up to Native Nations to ask for trained scientists to identify their ancestors, if they choose to seek that kind of help. Non-Indigenous scientists do not get to decide what is appropriate and what is not.
It is important that archaeologists learn the four major categories of protection under this law so that when excavating, we pay special attention to the following:
- Protect graves with Native American ancestral remains (in some cases, this might mean the respectful removal of the ancestors to another location
- Consider the grave goods (materials buried with the dead) to be sacred and to be protected as well
- Protect items of cultural patrimony (objects that belong to a specific culture and have meaning for them)
- Ensure that sacred sites are protected, like the ground surrounding the burials, which we would refer to as cemeteries.
The idea is to protect the materials still in the ground, and by law, repatriate (return) any of the items that have already been excavated. NAGPRA does not have mechanisms to punish those who break the laws. As with other federal laws, the strength of the act is in its application by museums, colleges, universities, and other public institutions. Despite the best intentions of the legislators who enacted NAGPRA in 1990, there are some serious restrictions. For example, if the land or the stakeholders who have possession of the ancestral remains are privately owned and not under federal jurisdiction, there is no protection under NAGPRA. If the Native Nation is not federally recognized, or the materials are in Canada, Mexico, or overseas, NAGPRA cannot directly protect the remains or objects. NAGPRA only applies to the United States; each nation has its own sets of regulations to protect their Indigenous ancestors and cultural materials. We would need to rely on other laws, local or international, to help preserve the materials for repatriation.
Since NAGPRA was enacted in 1990, archaeologists have been incredibly careful in their excavations and research to avoid disturbing Native sites. That is why partnerships such as with CalTrans and CalFire are so important, because once those maps are created to indicate sacred and other important spaces, those maps can be shared with archaeologists and construction firms. A combination of working closely with tribal councils and an increased number of Native archaeologists has reduced the damage we have done to Indigenous cultural and ancestral remains.
Each Native Nation creates a taskforce or working group where all members are trained in the details of NAGPRA as well as local laws in addition to their tribal laws. The goal is to create a handbook that lists exactly what steps need to happen when someone calls to alert the task force that something might have been discovered. Some of these groups also train site monitors to work at construction or archaeological sites, so that a team member already knows the proper procedures to follow. Failure to follow the law can end up with a construction firm losing their license or an archaeological team to be censured. This is a small enough community that word gets out quickly when someone is unethical.
How do museums, colleges, and universities repatriate what is already in their possession? Much like the Native Nations, each college and university with a museum or other type of collection must also be aware of the rules of NAGPRA and the consequences for not following the letter and the spirit of the law. One of the biggest challenges for repatriating the ancestral remains or the sacred objects is a lack of paperwork. When there is a donation or addition to a museum, the intake paperwork is supposed to include all the significant information. For anything Native, that should include the name of the Native Nation and the exact location of the original find. When archaeologists retire from a college or university, if they do not leave a copy of their fieldwork notes behind, there may be no way for their colleagues to know the details. When we find handwritten notes that say, “Northern Alaska” or “Plains”, then this information is too broad to allow us to initiate a consultation with the correct Nation. However, we at least have a clue of where to begin.

How have Native Nations worked with museums and anthropologists to repatriate materials respectfully? Let's focus on the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI) and its three locations in New York, Maryland, and Washington D.C. (Figure 5). Its board of directors includes native leaders from across the continent who know NAGPRA and other related legislation. Only the Maryland facility houses ancestral remains. Before the D.C. location opened to the public, the Smithsonian held a series of consultations with tribal leaders who were invited to look at their portion of the collection. The goals were to make sure that everything was legal under NAGPRA, ensure objects with special cultural limitations were housed properly (e.g. objects that could be seen by men only, women only, initiated members only, etc.) or identify items for repatriation through the NMAI repatriation process.
Protecting Ancestors Outside the United States
What are the laws in places across the world that parallel the NAGPRA process? Let's look at examples of ancestral remains found elsewhere in the world.
Just like native nations in the United States, there are hundreds of Australian Aboriginal Nations. Some descendent communities are from a specific area. Other groups moved seasonally such as the Tasmanian Aboriginal Nations of Australia. To help you understand the enormity of Aboriginal land, here is a map created by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies: Map of Indigenous Australia. Each descent community knows their own funeral rites through personal experience, but what about ancestral remains from tens of thousands of years ago?
Kow Swamp (Figure 6), located in southeastern Australia, became archaeologically significant in 1974 with

the discovery of an ancestor known now as Mungo Man. Immediately people wanted to know how long ago he lived. Archaeologists discovered he is tens of thousands of years old; he lived 42,000 ago. He matters to archaeology, because at the time, he was the oldest human found in Australia. To Indigenous Nations of Australia, he is significant because he is an ancestor to his people. Like many other important discoveries, his find was unexpected and welcomed by the scientific community. It makes sense, of course, to search near freshwater areas since that would be an important resource for survival. To find someone so old and so intact is largely due to the way his people buried him, protecting his remains for millennia.He was not the first individual found in that area. The area has access to freshwater which is an important resource for survival in the bush. Archaeologists also discovered the cremains (cremated remains) of Mungo Lady in the late 1960s. Her repatriation took place in 1991, while scientists waited to return Mungo Man to the closest descendent population in 2017. Learn more about their discovery and, more importantly, their repatriation in the BBC News (2017) article Mungo Man: Australia’s oldest remains taken to ancestral home.
Recent Wars
What about identifying and repatriating the war dead?
The Japanese military maintained a WWII Prisoner of War (POW) camp in Cabanatuan Prison Camp on the main island of Luzon in the Philippines. While there are maps of the camps and the surroundings, there are still prisoners who have not yet been identified after all these decades. In places like the Philippines where thousands died on battlefields, historians know exactly who began battles, so the point is to return remains to families where possible. Typhoons and earthquakes can accidentally unearth those who died and were buried on the battlefields. In those cases, we may not find entire skeletons or enough of the skeleton to return them to their closest relatives. You can learn more in the article Challenges to Identifications of the Cabanatuan Prison Camp Cemetery Remains (Megyesi 2019). In tropical places like the Philippines, the combination of storms, jungle settings, and time passed since burial combine to destroy many of the skeletons long before recovery is possible. To learn more, here is an article from the University of Queensland Australia (2017) about the specific challenges of retrieving these bodies Body of Evidence.
Rwanda turned on its own people in the Civil War from 1990 to 1994, when the Hutu and the Tutsi killed each other in a horrible genocide where there were more similarities among the peoples than differences. Rwanda had to deal with admixture (when multiple human remains are mixed) which led to challenges in repatriating the dead. What do we do about mass graves (places where multiple sets of remains have been buried or covered) and what we find there? The approach to removing the dead in Rwanda needed to be systematically scientific since prosecutors needed all the possible pieces of evidence to bring charges against the perpetrators from the 1994 Civil War. Then the victims might be returned to their families based on personal effects and DNA if they could be located. To learn more about the history of the Rwandan genocide, visit Rwanda Genocide: 100 days of slaughter. (WARNING: this link includes some photographs and video of the ancestral skeletons as well as some ancestors wrapped in shrouds and war scarred victims).
Engaging in Archaeology Today
Archaeology has changed a lot over the years. One key piece of this change has been an overwhelming shift across much of the field towards protection of and preservation of cultural (archaeological) resources and the landscapes in which they are found. Recent changes have also included a wide variety of approaches to archaeology that focus on sustainability, community, education, relevancy, and social and environmental justice, including "who owns the past?" Crucially, this means many modern approaches to archaeology not only work to critically engage with that question and the power differentials so long connected to it, but also to explore the archaeological record through perspectives and forms of knowledge often ignored or silenced in the past and in the present. Finally, archaeology is building its capacity to reveal, address, and redress social injustices, including those archaeology as a field has committed in the past or continues to commit today. Some of the ways we think about doing this are through:
- Preservation Archaeology moves beyond a desire to protect and preserve culturally important resources, and involves actively working to do so. This can include working with various groups to seek legal protection for archaeological sites, educating the government and the public on the value such resources have to descendent communities and the general public alike, and raising funds to purchase and limit access to cultural sites and landscapes.
- Activist Archaeology could look like many things in practice, and has been defined as "the use of our craft to generate knowledge about the past in order to use that information to create action in the present and make a more humane future" (Barton 2021:2).
- Indigenous Archaeology is "an expression of archaeological theory and practice in which the discipline intersects with Indigenous values, knowledge, practices, ethics, and sensibilities, and through collaborative and community-originated or -directed projects, and related critical perspectives. Indigenous archaeology seeks to (1) make archaeology more representative of, responsible to, and relevant for Indigenous communities; (2) redress real and perceived inequalities in the practice of archaeology; (3) inform and broaden the understanding and interpretation of the archaeological record through the incorporation of Aboriginal worldviews, histories, and science" (Nicholas 2008:1660)
- Engaged Archaeology is also often called Community Archaeology and is based on a belief that projects should be driven by the needs and interests of a community or should at the very least fully engage with and involve the community in the work. This is more than inviting local peoples to participate in excavations, in that the goals are about creating archaeological projects that truly matter to the community and can bring benefits to the community in one way or another. Engaged archaeologies also incorporate the skills, knowledge, and perspectives of a variety of scholars well outside of anthropology to create more holistic understandings of the past.
Archaeology is not an easy science. No science guarantees outcomes, and many times we end up with more questions than answers. Archaeology is like a jigsaw puzzle where there is no reference picture, no known number of pieces, and no way of knowing if you have completed the challenge. However, it is an amazing interconnected field with opportunities for people who are interested in humans and human experiences. That is why it is so important for us to act ethically at all stages of our archaeological work, from making connections with descent communities before we begin projects (and maintaining those relationships throughout the work) to publishing thoughtful, accurate information that can impact generations to come.
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Kristina Casper-Denman teaches anthropology at American River College in Sacramento. Her career began in primatology with fieldwork in Costa Rica and chimpanzee sanctuary work and continued in Native American Studies with an emphasis on educational sovereignty. While she was involved with Neanderthal fieldwork in southeastern Spain, her primary archaeology emphasis has been with repatriation of NAGPRA collections in Arizona and California. Her life goal is to visit as many natural history and archaeology museums as possible, especially if someone else will fund those trips.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
References
Anthropological Studies Center (2018) "41 Tehama Street, San Francisco." Sonoma State University Projects and Publications, March. http://asc.sonoma.edu/projects/41-tehama-street-san-francisco
Barton, Christopher P. (2021) Introduction. In Trowels in the Trenches: Archaeology as Social Activism, edited by Christopher P. Barton, pgs 1-19. University Press of Florida.
BBC News (2017) "Mungo Man: Australia's oldest remains taken to ancestral home." November 17. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-42020675
Bureau of Reclamation (2021). "The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act
(NAGPRA)." https://www.usbr.gov/nagpra/
Gaug, Maryann (2001) "After the Fires: Mesa Verde National Park." Cyberwest, September 5. https://cyberwest.com/mesa_verde_fires/
Hannibal, Mary Ellen (2014) "Lighting Cultural Fires: Let it burn." Boom, Fall, Vol 4, No 3. https://boomcalifornia.org/2014/09/24/lighting-cultural-fires
Hayden, Erika Check (2013) "Incan Child Mummies Show Evidence of Sacrificial Rituals." Nature, July 29. https://doi.org/10.1038/nature.2013.13461 https://www.nature.com/articles/nature.2013.13461
Johnson, Eric Michael (2014) "How John Muir’s Brand of Conservation Led to the Decline of Yosemite." Scientific American, August 13. https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/primate-diaries/how-john-muir-s-brand-of-conservation-led-to-the-decline-of-yosemite/
Megyesi, Mary (2019) "Challenges to Identifications of the Cabanatuan Prison Camp Cemetery Remains." Forensic Anthropology Vol. 2, No. 2: 113–121. DOI: 10.5744/fa.2019.1014 http://journals.upress.ufl.edu/fa/article/view/834/1016
Nicholas, George. (2008) "Native Peoples and Archaeology." In Encyclopedia of Archaeology, vol. 3, edited by D. Pearsall, 1660-1669. Academic Press.
State of California (2024) "Cultural Resource Management." The Department of Forestry and Fire Protection. https://www.fire.ca.gov/what-we-do/natural-resource-management/environmental-protection-program/cultural-resource-management
University of Queensland Australia (2017). "Body of Evidence." Contact, summer. https://shorthand.uq.edu.au/contact-magazine/summer-2017/body-of-evidence/
Further Exploration
After the Fires: Mesa Verde National Park, by Maryann Gaug: https://cyberwest.com/mesa_verde_fires/
Archaeologists Discover Evidence of Prehistoric Gold Trade Route, University of Southampton: https://phys.org/news/2015-06-archaeologists-evidence-prehistoric-gold-route.html
Fire Management, from Bush Heritage, Australia: https://www.bushheritage.org.au/what-we-do/landscape-management/fire
Important Events in the Development and Preservation of Mesa Verde National Park: https://www.nps.gov/meve/learn/historyculture/stories.htm
Indigenous Fire Management and Traditional Knowledge: https://www.ictinc.ca/blog/indigenous-fire-management-and-traditional-knowledge
Lighting Cultural Fires, by Mary Ellen Hannibal: https://boomcalifornia.org/2014/09/24/lighting-cultural-fires/
Map of Indigenous Australia: https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/map-indigenous-australia
National Museum of the American Indian: Repatriation: https://americanindian.si.edu/explore/repatriation
Native American Grave Protection and Repatriation Act, Bureau of Reclamation: https://www.usbr.gov/nagpra/
Principles of Archaeological Ethics, Society for American Archaeology: https://documents.saa.org/container/docs/default-source/doc-careerpractice/saa_ethics.pdf?sfvrsn=75f1b83b_4
Rwanda Genocide: 100 days of slaughter: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-26875506
The 26 Associated Tribes of Mesa Verde, National Park Service: https://www.nps.gov/meve/learn/historyculture/upload/26meve_associated_tribes_508.pdf
Traditional Cultural Places and Indian Sacred Sites, US Bureau for Land Management: https://www.ntc.blm.gov/krc/uploads/646/GuidetoTCPs&SacredSites.pdf
Learning Objectives
- Explain how archaeologists protect cultural patrimony and define cultural patrimony
- Describe different threats to archaeological sites and cultural heritage
- Explain the role of ethics in international archaeological research and historic preservation
Why should we protect the human past?
Cultural Resource Management[/pb_glossary] (CRM) relies on an understanding of what makes culture important and distinct from one human community to another. Archaeology relies on excavation and other scientific methods to understand the culture of ancient societies and answer questions about contemporary societies. As technology advances, archaeologists are not relying as much on excavation as we can also use less invasive methods to study sites and reduce site destruction. The National Park Service uses a term known as Traditional Cultural Properties (TCP), indicating areas that are places of great cultural importance such as village or burial sites. (See Traditional Cultural Places and Indian Sacred Sites to learn more about TCP in the United States.) When we know the location of these TCP, we can avoid them out of respect. That is, archaeologists can decide not to excavate an area to protect ancestral remains and culturally significant artifacts (objects used and made by humans) from destructive forces. Unfortunately, not everyone shares this belief in the importance of preservation and some sites are destroyed intentionally through looting (illegally removing objects from sites) by people hoping to find economically valuable artifacts. This is in addition to natural forces that cause damage to these sites, for instance, erosion due to wind and rain. In this chapter, we will examine some of the major techniques of Cultural Resource Management and archaeology so you can understand how science works to preserve ancient cultures in contemporary times and, more importantly, why we should protect the human past.
Back in the mid-1990s, archaeologists at the national Society for American Archaeology (SAA) created and adopted a series of “9 Principles of Archaeological Ethics” that guide our actions throughout our research, including at field sites. This 7-page document is updated periodically and reminds us of our responsibilities as scientists and as protectors of land and culture. (Here is the document if you would like to learn all the details of these principles – Principles of Archaeological Ethics.) For this chapter, we will focus on the first three principles from this document.
- Principle 1 is about stewardship and helps us focus on preservation and protection of the human past, remembering that the accurate interpretation of the archaeological record relies on a respectful relationship with the descent communities. These are the people most directly related to the ancestors we uncover in our research.
- Principle 2 notes that archaeologists are accountable. That is they need to make every reasonable effort to actively consult and work with descent groups, ensuring clear lines of communication throughout the process so that there are no misunderstandings or mistrust.
- Principle 3 focuses on commercialization, or the use of the artifacts that are found as commodities that can be sold for profit or personal enjoyment. The market for these artifacts, which is often illegal, has resulted in the destruction of archaeological sites and of the information that the context of these sites can provide to better understand these societies. Looting believes in the idea of “finders keepers,” which is the opposite of the scientific research carried out by archaeologists that is based on preservation and education (Society for American Archaeology 2024).
As archaeologists, we rely on knowing a wide variety of natural environments as well as the peoples who lived and sometimes still live in a location. We need to know where we are, or are NOT, allowed to work and study within archaeological sites which requires getting permits and establishing collaborations with local institutions and communities. Before we begin looking at how archaeologists work at these sites to promote the principles of stewardship, accountability, and protection from commercialization that we noted above, we need to go back and learn about how the first scientists who practiced archaeology created this field.
For much of the history of archaeology, and anthropology more broadly, we focused on collecting and collections with an emphasis on salvage ethnography. The idea of salvage ethnography is that field anthropologists would interview members of a descent community. The goal was to gather as many personal histories, myths or sacred stories, and linguistic notes as possible before the Indigenous communities or earliest known civilizations in a specific locale disappeared. Salvage archaeologists, for their part in these investigations, focused on obtaining the cultural materials from the descendent communities as well as from archaeological excavations. Most anthropologists received proper training and gathered all the necessary information to keep the materials intact such as the name of the owner, the materials, and perhaps even the process of creating the object. Some salvage archaeologists systematically gathered data which is still available for reference today. This combination of well-trained anthropologists and careful data collection help us to figure out the cultural patrimony which refers to all the aspects of culture a community owns, which is built on that community’s past, whether it is through written records, material culture, or oral histories.
Cultural patrimony can be difficult when it comes to nonmaterial culture such as stories, songs, and performances, but identifying material culture as belonging to just one society can also be challenging. Many nations who lived close to one another shared raw materials and conducted economic trade of finished goods. Additionally, as people moved, techniques traveled from one community to another through intermarriage which reminds us that there are many ways for artifacts to move among communities. New types of technologies are providing clues in the creation of the objects that help us to narrow down a projectile point, such as an arrowhead, to the Pacific Northwest, the Great Lakes region, or the Southwest. Ancient trade routes, such as the Silk Road through Asia, offer enormous amounts of evidence of the sharing of goods and ideas that took place 2000 years in the past. (See Bower 2017, Oldest Evidence of Patterned Silk Loom Found in China.) Two thousand years before that, there is evidence of trade between Ireland and the U.K. based on Cornish gold. (See Archaeologists Discover Evidence of Prehistoric Gold Trade Route.)
While the concept of protecting these objects of cultural patrimony goes back to the early 1900s, the use of the term CRM shows up for the first time in the early 1970s. Archaeologists in the United States historically worked for the government or for research institutions such as museums or universities, but an increasing number of these archaeologists founded their own firms, working alongside construction companies and for transportation organizations as contract archaeologists. Instead of working for the Department of the Interior or the Bureau of Land Management, the archaeologists of the 1970s began to create their own projects and train their students to do the same.

Most international protections of archaeological sites and artifacts are administrated through UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. The relevant legislation is the UNESCO Convention of 1970 on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. This is an international treaty, which regulates the import and export of cultural objects. Two years later, in 1972, the Convention Concerning the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage first created World Heritage Sites. A World Heritage Site is recognized by UNESCO as having cultural, historical, and/or scientific significance to humanity as a whole, and is protected by international treaty. To access some wonderful resources through the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), please go to this website where you have access to four PDFs to explain practical ways to manage World Heritage Sites – Managing Disaster Risks for World Heritage. This will help you better understand the practices in places such as Machu Picchu, the Parthenon in Athens, the pyramids of Giza, and ancient temples throughout Southeast Asia (Figure 1).
Early archaeologists relied on paper maps and local knowledge of important locations. Now that we have advanced technologies like GPS and satellite maps of the surface of the Earth, we can anticipate and proactively protect ancient Indigenous sites like Mesa Verde in Southwestern Colorado. We will focus on Mesa Verde National Park as a case study (one specific research example) to help us understand the terminology in the next few paragraphs. There are no Indigenous populations living in this National Park today, and archaeologists are still unsure as to the exact reason that the sites were abandoned in the past.

When the National Park first opened in 1906, long before it became a protected site in 1978 thanks to UNESCO, people helped themselves to artifacts and wandered all over the property, doing irreparable harm during this looting. That damage means we have lost archaeological knowledge forever, and descent communities have lost their physical links to their ancestors. Now, both tourist and scientific access is limited, and any artifacts discovered are claimed by the museum on site. There is a timeline from the 1700s to the present to learn about Mesa Verde’s history – Important Events in the Development and Preservation of Mesa Verde National Park (National Park Service 2024). To learn about the descendent communities associated with Mesa Verde who are related to the Ancestral Puebloan Nations who left over 700 years ago, see The Archaeological Survey of Wetherill Mesa: A Prologue to the Project (Osborne 2007).
As we learned earlier in this chapter, natural processes can uncover previously hidden archaeological sites. In the early 2000s, a wildfire in the National Park exposed some living sites previously unknown to archaeologists (To learn more about those fires and the aftermath at Mesa Verde from a non-scientific point of view, please see After the Fires, Gaug 2001) Since these sites had not previously been examined, CRM specialists came in to investigate which were the sacred (religiously important to a culture and/or its descent community) sites and which were the secular (everyday, non-sacred) portions. In the next paragraph, we will begin to delve into the differences in approach between secular and sacred sites.
Scientific and Humanistic Approaches to CRM
In anthropology, we separate our research approaches into two major categories: the scientific approach and the humanistic approach. As you might imagine, the scientific approach is very data-driven, where we emphasize statistics and categorization. At a site like Mesa Verde, how many lithic (tools made of stone) points are there? How many of these points are from the area compared to the number of those traded from other locations? How many of these points show wear patterns? What do those wear patterns indicate about their use? To answer some of these questions, we rely on experimental archaeology which allows us to reconstruct the technological past; the goal is to create an idea of the past of the specific culture we are studying which helps us to track secular information. For those of you who are interested in experimental archaeology, please read the “Ancient Technologies” chapter for more examples and details!
How do we use the humanistic approach properly in archaeology? After all, if archaeology is the study of the human past, we need to include the specific humanity of the population and focus on learning everything we can about their culture (the behaviors that are shared and learned). We need to discover their demography (their population statistics such as adult vs. juvenile; healthy vs. sick; etc.) as well as their behavioral patterns such as how they processed and stored their food, with whom they traded, etc. While demography offers data-driven, research-based information about cultures, we cannot learn as much as we would like about individual lives of people within a population. The main exception to this is when there are precise written records available from primary sources (evidence left by the people at the time such as documents and other artifacts).
Just because someone follows the traditions of a specific religion, does not mean that they practice their faith the same way every other member of that religion does. Faith is personal in practice and belief. Sacred sites mean that for a culture, specific areas were treated differently by the community. Some sacred sites were used every day while others were used just for special purposes, such as initiation ceremonies (changing social status within a group from outsider to insider or child to adult). Some were private and inside buildings while others were meant to be accessible to everyone in the community. How do we know from studying these sites that they are sacred, and why does this matter to Cultural Heritage?
Sacred sites are the most important locations for a society, as they offer cohesion for the social system, especially in times of stress. Sacred sites will be apart, both physically and emotionally, from the secular parts of life. We do not, for example, find middens (trash piles) in the middle of the holiest part of a site, but we might find burials, objects of special value, and even ways to protect the sacred space from accidental discovery (hidden behind several sets of doors, for example).
Secular sites, while important to a community, can be easily rebuilt. If there is a house fire, another house can be constructed with the knowledge from the builders of the original building. However, it is much more challenging to recreate the place of the origin of a culture (ethnogenesis), because once it is destroyed, it can never be formed again. The biggest challenge is that we need to know which sites, or parts of sites, are the most important to the descent group before we perform analysis, and if that community has been gone for generations or centuries, the challenge to identify the sacred spaces might be too large for us to tackle. Read the Indigenous Archaeologies chapters for further case studies.
Even if a culture no longer lives in their original homeland, they might still have descendants whose rights and beliefs need to be respected. It is important to keep the humanistic approach in mind when collecting data since every discovery is potentially part of someone’s life, whether we know the descent community or not. I get a lot of questions about who has the right to say whether archaeologists should work with descendent communities or if we should stay away. Each community knows what they want to accomplish, and if they are looking for an archaeologist to set up a CRM program for a Nation, there will be a job posting. Keep in mind the layers of laws you will need to be familiar with, from local jurisdictions as well as international mandates. Ethics are just the beginning of the challenge.
While there are many private CRM firms across the country, working usually with construction companies, one of the largest employers of archaeologists in the State of California is the State itself. The two biggest employees for CRM specialists include CalTrans, through the California Department of Transportation. You can learn more at CalTrans: Environmental Analysis (CalTrans n.d.). (Information specifically about the relationship between the California department of Fire and archaeologists can be found at CalFire: Suggestions for Preparing Archaeological Site Records and Site Maps, Betts 2001.)
One of the major reasons that CalTrans hires so many archaeologists is that the State is constantly building and upgrading the roads and highways, leading sometimes to the accidental excavation of Native and other historic sites. The more we know ahead of time which societies lived in which specific areas, the better our chances of either avoiding starting construction in that location, or we can form a plan to excavate and move materials from sites if necessary. If artifacts need to be removed, there are several components to this relocation: who on the crew will excavate the actual artifacts and ancestral remains, and where will all the finds go at the end of the project? Each project has its own mitigation plan. Sonoma State faculty and students helped with work in downtown San Francisco in the middle of the business district, where they learned about the lives of Gold Rush residents. Based on a combination of historical maps and a wide variety of artifacts, archaeologists determined details of the lives of individual families. The David A. Fredrickson Archaeological Collections Facility at Sonoma State houses those objects, including children’s toys. To learn more, see 41 Tehama Street, San Francisco (Stewart et al. 2018).
CalFire, of course, is interested in mitigating damage done by fires as well as avoiding them in the first place. While the emphasis is protection of human life, CalFire also is tasked with making sure properties are safe. If employees can work with archaeologists and descent communities to identify and protect archaeological sites well in advance of fire season, then firefighters can focus on keeping destruction to a minimum if burns begin. CalFire creates maps of places most likely to burn based on past events such as previous years’ fires, but they also need to track fast-moving wildfires spurred on by winds. It benefits the departments to have people trained in the identification and protection of archaeological sites so firefighters can focus instead on the crisis at hand. CalFire offers training for people interested in assisting professional archaeologists at sites. To learn about the mapping process with GIS, go to CalFire: GIS Data as well as the chapter titled Survey/GIS in this OER text.

The more human activity spreads out into geographic locations that are not sustainable for year-round water and food resources, the more difficult it is to reach those communities in times of disasters. The more we can plan ahead of time which archaeological sites need protection (and which should be left alone), the more CalFire can focus time on action plans. It is important to keep in mind that Indigenous peoples throughout the world relied on fire technology long before European Contact. In fact, the reason that places like Yosemite ended up so lush is that the local Native Nations (Paiute, Miwok, and Ahwahnechee) used traditional methods to keep plants, trees, and grasses from overgrowing. Understanding the time of year and the proper conditions required for a successful burn meant that Native peoples maintained the park-like surroundings we still experience in Yosemite. You can learn more about these challenges in the Ancient Landscapes/Ancient Environments chapter and in How John Muir’s Brand of Conservation led to the Decline of Yosemite (Johnson 2014).
One major challenge with creating these maps of sacred spaces is once the map is published, it usually becomes public. More often those maps end up as PDFs online for people to search and print. That means absolutely anyone, from construction crews to vandals, knows where important archaeological sites are. As you can imagine, that leads to increased challenges with protecting these sites from destruction. We are in a catch-22: if we do not have the maps, in cases of emergencies, we cannot know where to focus our attention; however, having the map means everyone knows everything about a specific locale. One possible solution is to create the maps and provide them only to emergency services.
Another challenge in reading an archaeological site is the introduction of invasive species (species introduced intentionally or otherwise that take over an ecosystem), which do not act in the same ways as the original landscape. California is packed with eucalyptus trees from Australia which are incredibly flammable. Eucalyptus comes in, as do fig trees, take over an ecosystem, then their roots crowd out the native plants, the burn patterns change (especially with the eucalyptus oil being so flammable), and it changes the landscape of archaeological sites in California. Experts such as Professors like Dr. Don Hankins from California State University Chico continue to practice Indigenous burning techniques today, modeling them for the next generations and for CalFire to better perform controlled burns. Here is a link to Professor Hankins’ work from 2014 with traditional burning in California: Lighting Cultural Fires.
Similar projects exist in areas of Australia and Canada. In Australia, since it is such a large continent with hundreds of different Aboriginal Nations, there were different techniques for using traditional fire management that encouraged wildlife to return as well as plants to drop open seeds for germination. To learn more about the methodology still used today, check out this webpage on Fire Management from Bush Heritage Australia. We may not think of Canada as having similar challenges as California or Australia, but as another country with widely varied ecosystems, the reliance on Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) helps to save lives every year. Working with descent communities to restore ‘buffalo jumps’ similar to ones used by the ancestors means burning grasses to bring back new growth to encourage buffalo to feed near hunting places. To learn more about the variety of ways First Nations (the Indigenous Nations of Canada) continue to use their burning technology in British Columbia, please see Indigenous Fire Management and Traditional Knowledge (2019).
What if we do have some sort of natural disaster headed our way: typhoon, volcano, earthquake, forest fire (hopefully not all the above)? Step one: archaeologists are not going to remain in the field trying to save a site. We are amazing, no doubt about that, but we cannot protect sites from disasters of any size. We might have spent time removing materials from a natural disaster previously just to deal with this all over again. For example, there was a small volcanic situation at a site known as Pompeii in Italy. Archaeologists needed to make the decision of whether to excavate the entire city (not happening) and what to do with what had already been uncovered. Why would an archaeologist make the decision NOT to excavate? Remember that as soon as material is exposed, it breaks down much faster than if skeletons, for example, remain in an anaerobic (without oxygen) environment. Think about how much time and money it takes to excavate an entire city and all its contents. Sometimes it makes more sense to stop, even when it is tempting to complete an entire project. You can find a link to a virtual dig of Pompeii at Archaeology’s Interactive Dig: Pompeii Tour (2003).
Ethical Display
We found a city at Pompeii, but that was not a complicated task since the ancient world knew exactly where it was thanks to trade routes and city planners; historical records indicated exactly when Mount Vesuvius erupted and covered much of the surrounding area. There were even maps of the city itself, as you can check out at Archaeology’s Interactive Dig: Pompeii Maps. That means that we know the exact location of the different homes, businesses, and roads in the city. The problem is that we do not know the exact use of every artifact found within the walls of Pompeii. We can make interpretations based on other objects from other cities, and that is the biggest clue.
The bigger question is how do we treat the ancestral remains with respect? What did the ancient Pompeiians believe about the afterlife and human remains compared to contemporary Italian cultural norms? The predominant religion is Roman Catholicism which widely displays relics (personal items, including bodies, of religious people) in public. Is it permissible to have bodies on display since these people died naturally and were not buried? I would argue that this is completely the decision of the local populations. If the people in Southern Italy encourage tourists and archaeologists alike to visit Herculaneum and Pompeii, take photos of the dead, and leave the casts and molds in situ (in their original location) then that is their decision (Figure 4).

Naturally occurring mummies can happen under ideal conditions around the world: tannin-filled peat bogs in Ireland as well as high altitude sites in the Andes. In 2018, I traveled to Dublin to the National Museum of Ireland: Archaeology (there are three others: Decorative Arts; Country Life; and Natural History) and discovered several bog bodies on display. As an anthropologist, I am always filled with awe that nature has the perfect combination of tannins to preserve the ancestral remains and some of the artifacts, but I am also trying to be sensitive that not everyone would like to see human bodies on display. The museum set up the exhibits brilliantly where, if you wanted to just read the signs and learn about the artifacts and ancestors, you could. However, you would have to move off the main path to reach the actual bodies and could not accidentally come across them. For more information on natural preservation of human remains, check out the chapters on Bioarchaeology and Ancient Environments.
It is fantastic to realize that many of our archaeological finds are pure coincidence: many stories begin with farmers preparing their land and finding arrowheads/pottery/gold hoards/human remains (not all in the same place). If we are lucky, the farmers stop, call the local law enforcement (especially if there are human remains) so that all the evidence is in situ. However, this is not always the case. Sometimes the peat farmers only have part of a body since they were cutting up large chunks of peat for fuel. In any case, we would like everything to remain where it was so that we show up so we can systematically excavate. The best museums may even set up their display to mimic the original provenience (the location of everything at a site) so that visitors experience an authentic reproduction of the site. To learn more about the bog bodies in the museum in Dublin, please check out Kingship and Sacrifice (National Museum of Ireland n.d.). (WARNING: there are photographs of ancestral remains.)
In the Andes, finding the mummies requires more effort and luck than plowing a field. It might mean climbing up mountains and dealing with strong winds, mud, and altitude sickness, as well as language and cultural barriers. In some cases, local descent populations know exactly where these sacrifices were made but not necessarily how long ago. What will you discover about these people?
They are primarily young women of good health and high status. How do we know that? We can tell their high status socioeconomically from the artifacts surrounding them: the quality of their clothing and the quantity of the jewelry they are wearing are straight-forward indicators of their family’s wealth.
We can tell their high status biologically from the wear on their teeth, the lack of multiple fractures on their long bones as well as general health of the skeletal materials compared with other ancestors from that period. We will rely on forensic archaeology (learning from skeletons both their life and death stories) to estimate approximate age at death as well as health, height, and cause of death in some cases. We are especially lucky with high altitude finds since that lack of oxygen leads to more organic materials remaining intact, including stomach content. Search the Bioarchaeology chapter for more examples.
Here is where the story becomes more complicated: we know that the women ingested large amounts of narcotics before they died, because the evidence remains in their system, but did they take this willingly or were they forced or coerced into taking the chemicals? When did they understand they would become a sacrifice to protect their entire population? How much fear did they have, and were they scared enough to try to run away? Perhaps some people think this is not scientific. Some people may think there is too much speculation involved at this point. This is your choice as an archaeologist how much cultural interpretation you want to include, but the facts show that there are levels of coca in her system that date back one year before her death as well as alcohol. Based on the large quantity of both alcohol and coca in her body at the time of death, she probably did not feel pain as she slipped away. To learn more about these women, please check out this article from Nature – Incan child mummies show evidence of sacrificial rituals. (Check Hayden 2013) (WARNING: there are photographs of ancestral remains.)
You learned in the Introduction to this textbook about the scientific and humanistic approaches to archaeology. We can add to that processualism and postprocessualism. Processualism is the scientific approach in which we catalog the approximate age, approximate health, the biological sex based on the skeleton, the number of artifacts, and the approximate year the victim died. Postprocessualism would give a humanistic approach to these Andean mummies, telling us about the victims personally which helps outsiders to connect with their stories, but those details are not guaranteed to be as accurate. To learn more about both sides to this story, please check out this National Geographic article from 2013 about Andean natural mummies – Inca Child Sacrifice Victims were Drugged. (WARNING: there are photographs of ancestral remains.)
In both these cases, Ireland and the Andes, even though their landscapes may be completely geologically different, CRM practitioners would have parallel training in how to identify and preserve these culturally significant sites. The reality is that when mummies are involved, as with any ancestral remains, we are most likely going to remove them for safe keeping until they can be returned to their descendant group or protected in a museum. These will be the same challenges for archaeologists working with Native sites in the United States.
NAGPRA and the Protection of Cultural Heritage in the U.S.
Finally, for me, one of the most important pieces of legislation in my research as an anthropologist and ethnohistorian is the 1990 ruling for the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) which you can also read about in the CRM and Bioarchaeology chapters. The main purpose is this: when you know that what you have discovered is Indigenous, stop. Do not touch anything. Contact the local authorities, especially when there are ancestral remains, and protect the site. Our desires to do science DO NOT MATTER. These are someone else’s relatives, and under the law and under our code of ethics, we have no right to study them. If we cannot deal with this, we need to work in a museum with artifacts or to go to the hundreds of countries who are happy to have our help, such as Greece, Thailand, or Rwanda. It is not that forensic anthropologists cannot work with Native ancestral remains; it is simply that it is up to Native Nations to ask for our help. If they need trained forensic archaeologists to identify their ancestors, then we help. Non-Indigenous scientists do not get to decide what is appropriate and what is not.
This is a very difficult Act since it does not have mechanisms to punish those who break the laws. As with other federal laws, the strength of the Act is in its enforcement. This applies to museums, colleges and universities, and other public institutions. Another challenge is that this Act only applies to federally recognized Nations (any Native Nation who terminated in the 1950s or later would lose all rights under NAGPRA). Furthermore, NAGPRA only applies to materials found on public land and not private property. Inventories are maintained by all organizations who receive federal funding, including museums, colleges, and universities. Keep in mind, NAGPRA only applies to the United States; each nation has its own sets of regulations to protect their Indigenous ancestors and cultural materials.
Here is a brief overview of NAGPRA from the United States Bureau of Reclamation:
“The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 and the regulations (43 CFR Part 10) that allow for its implementation address the rights of lineal descendants, Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations (parties with standing) to Native American human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony (cultural items). The statute requires Federal agencies and museums to provide information about Native American cultural items to parties with standing and, upon presentation of a valid claim, ensure the item(s) undergo disposition or repatriation
"NAGPRA requires that Reclamation complete a number of reports and submit them to tribes and the Department of the Interior through the National NAGPRA Program. Reclamation submitted a single Reclamation Summary Report in 1993. All five regions within Reclamation submitted region specific inventories by the statutory deadline in 1995. Several inadvertent discoveries and intentional excavations of NAGPRA cultural items have occurred on Reclamation lands or because of its actions on tribal lands since 1990.” (Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, Bureau of Reclamation)
It is important that archaeologists learn the four major categories of protection under this law so that when excavating, we pay special attention to the following: 1) we must protect graves with Native American ancestral remains (in some cases, this might mean the respectful removal of the ancestors to another location); 2) we consider the grave goods (materials buried with the dead) to be sacred and to be protected as well; 3) we must protect items of cultural patrimony (objects that belong to a culture and are specific to them such as pottery or worked obsidian); and finally 4) we must ensure that sacred sites are protected, like the ground surrounding the burials, which we would refer to as cemeteries when they are grouped. The idea is to protect the materials still in the ground, and by law, repatriate (return) any of the items that have already been excavated. Here is a link to the law from the National Parks Services for NAGPRA – National NAGPRA Program.
Despite the best intentions of the legislators who enacted NAGPRA in 1990, there are some serious restrictions. For example, if the land or the stakeholders who have possession of the ancestral remains are privately owned and not under federal jurisdiction, there is no protection under NAGPRA. If the Native Nation is not federally recognized, or the materials are in Canada, Mexico, or overseas, NAGPRA cannot directly protect the remains or objects. We would need to rely on other laws, local or international, to help preserve the materials for repatriation.
Since NAGPRA was enacted in 1990, archaeologists have been incredibly careful in their excavations and research to avoid disturbing Native sites. That is why partnerships such as with CalTrans and CalFire are so important, because once those maps are created to indicate sacred and other important spaces, those maps can be shared with archaeologists and construction firms. A combination of working closely with tribal councils and an increased number of Native archaeologists has reduced the damage we have done to Indigenous cultural and ancestral remains.
Each Native Nation creates a taskforce or working group where all members are trained in the details of NAGPRA as well as local laws in addition to their tribal laws. The goal is to create a handbook that lists exactly what steps need to happen when someone calls to alert the task force that something might have been discovered. Some of these groups also train site monitors to work at construction or archaeological sites, so that a team member already knows the proper procedures to follow. Failure to follow the law can end up with a construction firm losing their license or an archaeological team to be censured. This is a small enough community that word gets out quickly when someone is unethical.
How do museums, colleges, and universities repatriate what is already in their possession? Much like the Native Nations, each college and university with a museum or other type of collection must also be aware of the rules of NAGPRA and the consequences for not following the letter and the spirit of the law. One of the biggest challenges for repatriating the ancestral remains or the sacred objects is a lack of paperwork. When there is a donation or addition to a museum, the intake paperwork is supposed to include all the significant information. For anything Native, that should include the name of the Native Nation and the exact location of the original find. When archaeologists retire from a college or university, if they do not leave a copy of their fieldwork notes behind, there may be no way for their colleagues to know the details. When we find handwritten notes that say, “Northern Alaska” or “Plains”, then this information is too broad to allow us to initiate a consultation with the correct Nation. However, we at least have a clue of where to begin. Remember that the Department of the Interior maintains the national NAGPRA database online.

Since the Smithsonian is a collection of museums, how have Native Nations worked with the anthropologists to repatriate materials respectfully? The best way to focus on the Smithsonian is to emphasize the collections of the National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI) which opened in Washington D.C. on the Capitol Mall in 2004 (Figure 5). It helps both Native Nations and anthropologists that the board of directors includes Native leaders from across the continent who know NAGPRA and other related legislation. The NMAI exists in three separate locations (New York, Maryland, and Washington D.C.) but only the Maryland facility housed ancestral remains. Before the D.C. location opened to the public, the Smithsonian held a series of consultations with tribal leaders who were invited to look at their portion of the collection. The goal was two-fold: to make sure that everything was legal under NAGPRA, as well as to ensure objects with special cultural limitations were housed properly (objects that could be seen by men only, women only, initiated members only, etc.) To learn more about the Smithsonian and NAGPRA consultation, see National Museum of the American Indian: Cultural Resources Center (National Museum of the American Indian n.d.). You can also learn more about the repatriation process at National Museum of the American Indian: Repatriation (National Museum of the American Indian n.d.).
Protecting Ancestors Outside the United States
What are the laws in places like Australia that might parallel NAGPRA? The remains found in Kow Swamp give us an indication of how Australian archaeologists treated ancestral remains in the past compared to the repatriation process that recently occurred. It is important for us to remember that much like Indigenous Nations in the United States, there are hundreds of Australian Aboriginal Nations who are the descendent communities from a specific area. There are not always clear delineations of territorial lines, especially for Nations who moved seasonally such as the Tasmanian Aboriginal Nations of Australia. To help you understand the enormity of Aboriginal land, here is a map created by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies: Map of Indigenous Australia. Each descent community knows their own funeral rites through personal experience, but what about ancestral remains from tens of thousands of years ago?

Kow Swamp, located in southeastern Australia, became archaeologically significant in 1974 with the discovery of an ancestor known now as Mungo Man. Immediately people wanted to know how long ago he lived, and while that information is never exactly precise, archaeologists discovered he is tens of thousands of years old. There is no consensus, however, whether he lived 40kya or 60kya, due to differences in chronometric dating results. He matters to archaeology, because to date, he is the oldest human from Australia. To Indigenous Nations of Australia, he is significant because he is an ancestor to his people. Like many other important discoveries, his find was unexpected and welcomed by the scientific community. It makes sense, of course, to search near freshwater areas since that would be an important resource for survival. To find someone so old and so intact is largely due to the way his people buried him, protecting his remains for millennia.
He was not the first individual found in that area. Archaeologists discovered the cremains (cremated remains) of Mungo Lady in the late 1960s, but for some reason, her repatriation took place in 1991 while scientists waited to return Mungo Man to the closest descendent population in 2017. You can learn more about their discovery and, more importantly, their repatriation in the British Broadcasting Company’s article Mungo Man: Australia’s oldest remains taken to ancestral home (2017).
What about identifying and repatriating the recent war dead in places like the Philippines during WW2 or Rwanda during its Civil War? The Japanese military maintained a Prisoner of War (POW) camp in Cabanatuan Prison Camp on the main island of Luzon. While there are maps of the camps and the surroundings, there are still prisoners who have not yet been identified after all these decades. You can learn more about the prison camp in Challenges to Identifications of the Cabanatuan Prison Camp Cemetery Remains (Megyesi 2018).
Rather than outsiders, Rwanda turned on its own people in the Civil War from 1990 to 1994, when the Hutu and the Tutsi killed each other in a horrible genocide where there were more similarities among the peoples than differences. As in the Philippines during WW2, Rwanda had to deal with admixture (when multiple human remains are mixed) which led to challenges in repatriating the dead. What do we do about mass graves (places where multiple sets of remains have been buried or covered) and what we find there? The approach to removing the dead in Rwanda needed to be systematically scientific since prosecutors needed all the possible pieces of evidence to bring charges against the perpetrators from the 1994 Civil War. Then the victims might be able to be returned to their families based on personal effects and DNA if anyone alive was left in the country to receive their remains. To learn more about the history of the Rwandan genocide (WARNING: this link includes some photographs of the ancestral skeletons as well as some ancestors wrapped in shrouds), please go to the British Broadcasting Corporation’s website – Rwanda Genocide: 100 days of slaughter (2019).
In places like the Philippines where thousands died on battlefields, historians know exactly who began battles, so the point is to return remains to families where possible. Typhoons and earthquakes can accidentally unearth those who died and were buried on the battlefields. In those cases, we may not find entire skeletons or enough of the skeleton to return them to their closest relatives. In places like the Philippines, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, and Vietnam, the combination of tropical storms, jungle settings for warfare, and decades since the time of burial combine to destroy many of the skeletons long before recovery is possible. To learn about recovering the war dead, here is a link from the University of Queensland (Australia) that offers case studies about the specific challenges of retrieving these bodies – Body of Evidence (2017).
Archaeology is not an easy science. No science guarantees outcomes, and many times we end up with more questions than answers. I like to think of archaeology as a jigsaw puzzle where there is no reference picture, no known number of pieces, and no way of knowing if you have completed the challenge. However, it is an amazing holistic (interconnected) field with opportunities for people who are also interested in: linguistics, ethnomusicology, ethnobotany, archaeoastronomy, architecture, art, food, healing…. pretty much every major you can think of is related, somehow originally, to archaeology. That is why it is so important for us to act ethically at all stages of our archaeological work, from making connections with descent communities before we begin projects (and maintaining those relationships throughout the work) to publishing thoughtful, accurate information that can impact generations to come.
Discussion Questions
- What are the three principles of archaeological ethics that are focused on in this chapter, and why are they important?
- What are some of the major threats to archaeological sites and cultural heritage discussed in this chapter? Can you think of any other examples?
- What are some of the US and international legal protections and ethical standards that affect cultural heritage worldwide?
- How do scientific vs humanistic (or processual vs post-processual) approaches to archaeology affect how cultural heritage is presented and/or understood?
- How have archaeologists, museums, and tourist destinations approached the display and collection of human remains? What do you think is the most ethical approach?
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Kristina Casper-Denman teaches anthropology at American River College in Sacramento. Her career began in primatology with fieldwork in Costa Rica and chimpanzee sanctuary work and continued in Native American Studies with an emphasis on educational sovereignty. While she was involved with Neanderthal fieldwork in southeastern Spain, her primary archaeology emphasis has been with repatriation of NAGPRA collections in Arizona and California. Her life goal is to visit as many natural history and archaeology museums as possible, especially if someone else will fund those trips.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Further Exploration
41 Tehama Street, San Francisco, by Suzanne Stewart and other contributors: http://asc.sonoma.edu/projects/41-tehama-street-san-francisco
After the Fires: Mesa Verde National Park, by Maryann Gaug: https://cyberwest.com/mesa_verde_fires/
The Archaeological Survey of Wetherill Mesa: A Prologue to the Project, by Douglas Osborne: http://npshistory.com/series/archeology/7a/prologue1.htm
Archaeologists Discover Evidence of Prehistoric Gold Trade Route, University of Southampton: https://phys.org/news/2015-06-archaeologists-evidence-prehistoric-gold-route.html
Archaeology’s Interactive Dig: Pompeii Maps: https://interactive.archaeology.org/pompeii/maps.html
Archaeology’s Interactive Dig: Pompeii Tour: https://interactive.archaeology.org/pompeii/tour.html
Body of Evidence: https://shorthand.uq.edu.au/contact-magazine/summer-2017/body-of-evidence/
CalFire: Suggestions for Preparing Archaeological Site Records and Site Maps: https://www.fire.ca.gov/programs/resource-management/resource-protection-improvement/environmental-protection-program/cultural-resources-management-program/suggestions-for-preparing-archaeological-site-records-and-site-maps/
CalTrans: Environmental Analysis: https://dot.ca.gov/programs/environmental-analysis
Challenges to Identifications of the Cabanatuan Prison Camp Cemetery Remains, by Mary Megyesi: http://journals.upress.ufl.edu/fa/article/view/834/1016
Fire Management, from Bush Heritage, Australia: https://www.bushheritage.org.au/what-we-do/landscape-management/fire
Hiking Mesa Verde: https://www.nps.gov/meve/planyourvisit/hiking.htm
How John Muir’s Brand of Conservation Led to the Decline of Yosemite, by Eric Michael Johnson: https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/primate-diaries/how-john-muir-s-brand-of-conservation-led-to-the-decline-of-yosemite/
Important Events in the Development and Preservation of Mesa Verde National Park: https://www.nps.gov/meve/learn/historyculture/stories.htm
Inca Child Sacrifice Victims Were Drugged, by Brian Handwerk: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/article/130729-inca-mummy-maiden-sacrifice-coca-alcohol-drug-mountain-andes-children
Incan Child Mummies Show Evidence of Sacrificial Rituals, by Erika Check Hayden: https://www.nature.com/articles/nature.2013.13461
Indigenous Fire Management and Traditional Knowledge: https://www.ictinc.ca/blog/indigenous-fire-management-and-traditional-knowledge
Kingship and Sacrifice, National Museum of Ireland: https://www.museum.ie/en-IE/Museums/Archaeology/Exhibitions/Kingship-and-Sacrifice
Lighting Cultural Fires, by Mary Ellen Hannibal: https://boomcalifornia.org/2014/09/24/lighting-cultural-fires/
Map of Indigenous Australia: https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/map-indigenous-australia
Mungo Man: Australia’s oldest remains taken to ancestral home: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-42020675
National NAGPRA Program: https://www.nps.gov/orgs/1335/index.htm
National Museum of the American Indian: Cultural Resource Center: https://americanindian.si.edu/explore/collections/crc
National Museum of the American Indian: Repatriation: https://americanindian.si.edu/explore/repatriation
Native American Grave Protection and Repatriation Act, Bureau of Reclamation: https://www.usbr.gov/nagpra/
Principles of Archaeological Ethics, Society for American Archaeology: https://documents.saa.org/container/docs/default-source/doc-careerpractice/saa_ethics.pdf?sfvrsn=75f1b83b_4
Rwanda Genocide: 100 days of slaughter: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-26875506
Traditional Cultural Places and Indian Sacred Sites, from the US Bureau for Land Management: https://www.ntc.blm.gov/krc/uploads/646/GuidetoTCPs&SacredSites.pdf
References
Oldest Evidence of Patterned Silk Loom Found in China, by Bruce Bower: Science April 25, 2017 https://www.sciencenews.org/article/oldest-evidence-patterned-silk-loom-found-china
Learning Objectives
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Describe the importance of public outreach in archaeology
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Identify methods of public outreach and suggest situations where specific methods may be better suited to a certain archaeological project
Introduction
Every time I tell someone new that I’m an archaeologist, I’m generally met with four different responses:
- “What’s your favorite dinosaur?”
- “A real-life Indiana Jones!”
- “Oh wow, you must find all sorts of cool treasures!”
- “I always wanted to be an archaeologist, but it just wasn’t feasible. I’d love to start the hobby when I retire though!”
These four responses tell me firstly that many people conflate archaeologists and paleontologists—leading to awkward laughing and my admitting that the only dinosaur I know of is the T-Rex. They also tell me that most of what people know about archaeology comes from popular media, namely the Indiana Jones franchise, which harps on this idea of “treasure” rather than cultural significance. This search for treasure then becomes more of a hobby rather than an actual profession, with people assuming archaeologists just dig around in remote areas of the world to find pretty items to line the shelves of museums and private collections with, or to sell. Indeed, shows like American Digger and Indiana Jones do much to emphasize the monetary benefits of artifacts (Pagán 2015), which can lead to the destruction and unlawful looting of archaeological sites. To summarize, it is rare that anyone knows what it is we as archaeologists actually do and how we impact their day-to-day lives with the important research we conduct.
The thing about archaeology is that, even if people don’t totally know what it is, they still tend to associate it as a “cool” profession—so cool, in fact, that it could be a hobby! That said, even if someone were interested enough to try to do their own research on archaeological discoveries, they would not be likely to understand what’s going on. Research papers use so much jargon that sometimes archaeologists with different specialties can’t understand a research article outside of their area of interest (Fagan 2010) so how could a lay person understand what’s going on? Public outreach in this regard becomes a means of translation; we need to communicate with the public in terms they understand because they want to learn, and if we don’t help them, then they either become discouraged and their interest wanes, or they misunderstand the research, which could lead to negative consequences (discussed in detail below).
Furthermore, people are interested in understanding their place in the world, and archaeology can provide them with some of that context. Evolution in particular gains much attraction from the public because people are in search of the healthiest ways to live their lives or are looking for excuses for poor behavior (i.e. violence, sexual aggression and promiscuity; see McCaughey 2008 or Zuk 2013). However, once they grab hold of something—like the Paleo-diet—they tend to run with it, ignoring the fact that science is fluid and discoveries are made every day. For example, although the Paleo-diet considers the ingestion of grain products blasphemous, there’s actually been recent evidence saying that hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic had been making bread-like products around 14,000 years ago (Zeldovich 2018). Unfortunately for me, the discovery came after I received my Paleo-cookbook for Christmas.
Even more unfortunate is the fact that most evolutionary scientists have done nothing to correct the misconceptions that are so vehemently being passed along; instead, they respond with disgust and condemnation, despite the fact that some practitioners actively reach out to scientists in an attempt to better understand their food practices and make sure they’re being scientifically up-to-date (Chang and Nowell: 2016). Robb Wolf, a prominent member of the Paleo-diet community, has lamented on this very response from anthropologists: “What I have sensed from the anthropology community is an almost… annoyance that upstarts from outside that Guild have the temerity to talk about this stuff and try to apply it in an actionable way… If I could wave a magic wand I’d hope for a bit less prickliness on the part of the medical anthropology community on this topic… If we could get them to understand just how important their understanding of the past is, we might have a much better future’” (Chang and Nowell: 2016: 230).
The thing is, anthropologists know their understanding of the past is important—so why aren’t we leaning into that, especially when others see our studies’ worth? People are interested in what we as archaeologists do and study and it is our obligation to engage them in our work, especially when they reach out to us.
While misconceptions about the field of archaeology and archaeological discoveries themselves are primarily fueled by the media, archaeologists aren’t helping matters. How is anyone outside of the field supposed to know what we do if we do not tell them, much less in language they can understand? It’s necessary that archaeologists begin rigorous public outreach to correct these misinterpretations of our field. In this chapter, I will define public outreach, provide examples of how archaeologists practice public outreach, and explain why it’s important and needs to be done.
Some Considerations
There are many ethical considerations to keep in mind when creating outreach materials—you want to make sure you’re doing things in a “good way.” That being said, I’m going to tell you about what I consider to be two of the most important considerations:
- Keep sensitive cultural material hidden
- You may receive personal anecdotes from community members that you work with, and while they do add a human touch to the “story” you’re trying to tell, they may be too personally or culturally sensitive to share with a wider audience. To accurately deduce what is or is not appropriate to share, collaborate closely with the local community to get their feedback.
- Focusing too heavily on material culture rather than the people who created/used it.
- By focusing solely on the material culture of a site to explain the past, one disconnects the artifacts and the community’s “relationship to their broader environment” (Budwha and Mccreary 2013: 196).
- You risk creating a “spectacle” (Simpson 2011). Reducing people to their material culture relegates the ancestors to the past rather than acknowledging their active participation in the world today. These material objects then act as the face of those who settled there and risk being sensationalized to the extent that they become “native-art-as-usual” (Townsend Gault 2011). Sensationalized objects become static symbols of the past.
Bottom line: Be respectful in what you say, how you say/portray it and collaborate when possible!
The Society for American Archaeology does not have any one definition for public outreach, but rather recognizes it as a collection of methods archaeologists use to engage the public in archaeological research as well as general public awareness ("What Is Public Archaeology?"). Public archaeology can be used synonymously with public outreach.
Public archaeology is often viewed as a subfield of archaeology. However, public outreach in some form or another informs and underlies all archaeology, whether it be in terms of where one’s funding resources come from, where and how one is expected to conduct their fieldwork, how to manage the cultural site, how to treat the archaeological finds, or what kinds of impacts the archaeological research generates (Matsuda 2016:41). All of these instances require communication with some sort of outside source. This means that public outreach can take place before, during, and after the archaeological research is done. Community members can help inform the objectives of an archaeological research project, assist in the actual excavation process beginning as soon as the survey and as late as cleaning and labeling the artifacts, or can be a part of a post-research activity or lecture presented by the researchers. Public outreach can also take place outside of the confines of a particular research project and instead focus on the general understanding of archaeology through hands-on activities in schools or community events. In essence, archaeological public outreach can occur anytime and anywhere in any number of formats.
Public archaeology was once understood to be a means of applying archaeology to the real world via cultural resource management (CRM), contract archaeology, public education, historic preservation, and museology (White et al. 2004). Now there are four different approaches to public archaeology that have been identified:
The educational and public relations approaches are more practice-based, whereas the pluralist and critical approaches are more theoretical.

In particular, the educational approach aims to facilitate people’s learning of the past via archaeological thinking and methods. Archaeological education can occur both on and off-site. Some organizations, like the City of Alexandria’s Archaeology Museum, offer public dig days, in which members of the community can come and participate in an ongoing excavation (White 2019: 37), thus getting hands-on experience in archaeological thinking and methods. For years, the State University of New York at Binghamton’s Undergraduate Anthropology Organization would visit a local elementary school with boxes full of “treasure” strewn in stratified soil, sand, and pebbles, and teach them how to excavate and interpret their findings. These physical experiences not only create strong memories, but also “improves concentration, increases student engagement, and makes learning (and teaching) fun” (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019: 50).
The public relations approach works “to increase the recognition, popularity, and support of archaeology in contemporary society” by forming connections between archaeology and individuals and/or social groups (Matsuda 2016: 41-42). This approach parallels the push for archaeological stewardship where the wider community participates in the knowledge production, protection, and reverence of a site, not just archaeologists. Public relations foster stronger connections and responsibility towards sites and knowledge of the past. True knowledge production requires one to ask questions and interpret the evidence beyond uncovering artifacts at a public dig. For example, Science and Social Studies Adventures (SASSA), an organization that “bring[s] archaeology to the classrooms… in order to enhance science and social studies lessons…” took both physics and social studies students to a field that was planned to become a park. The students were taught how to use ground-penetrating radar (GPR) technology to map out the underground features of the property to determine whether or not an excavation would be necessary (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019). In this instance, they not only got the hands-on experience of mapping an area with GPR, but also participated in the knowledge production by interpreting that map and determining the future of the site; they now have a sense of responsibility over something tangible and relevant to their community. Similarly, though off-site, Nina Simon of the OF/BY/FOR ALL project encourages participating museums to actively engage their communities in project and exhibit designs to better cater and connect to the wider community (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021), while at the same time fostering a sense of responsibility and pride of the past.
The educational and public relations approaches have long been established in archaeology; however, the focus on the pluralist and critical approaches only began to gain traction after the 1990s (Matsuda 2016:42).
The pluralist approach attempts to understand different types of relationships between material culture and different members of the public, which essentially means understanding who your public is and where they’re ideologically coming from (Matsuda 2016:42). Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer (2021) have taken a pluralist approach to museum visitors. One German study revealed that museum-goers tend to be highly educated, possess high cultural capital, are satisfied with life, and are open to new experiences (Kluge and Pinsker 2021). Closer to home, the American Alliance of Museums (AAM) found that only 9% of museum visitors are from minority populations (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). Furthermore, the AAM’s 2010 demographic study revealed a number of barriers for African American and Latino visitors: historically, museums feel intimidating and exclusionary; the feeling that museums require specialized knowledge and cultivated esthetic taste; a lack of museum-going in one’s childhood; and social networks influence whether or not one chooses museums as a leisure activity (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). With this understanding of how people relate to the past in this particular setting (i.e., museums), cultural institutions can better cater to a wider audience. Specifically, they can choose communication methods more often used by their target audience, offer content that the wider community (especially minority populations) can connect with, provide a welcoming atmosphere, and ensure visually and physically comfortable and pleasing spaces (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021).
Finally, the critical approach works to unsettle the interpretation of the past as told by socially dominant groups, who typically have ulterior motives that socially subjugate another group by distorting the telling of the past (Matsuda 2016:42). Evolutionary anthropology has largely taken a critical approach since the end of World War II, when it finally became clear that the scientific support of the social construction of race was detrimental to millions of lives. Until then, it was posited by scientists and laypeople alike that race was a biological fact, and one’s intelligence, capabilities, and worth were determined by their race. Now we know that the variation in human skin color is nothing more than a reflection of millions of years adaptation to changing environments (Echo-Hawk and Zimmerman 2006:471). To totally unsettle the interpretation of an evolutionary past in which it was white people who first settled Europe, a study published in 2007 found that the gene associated with light skin didn’t evolve until 12,000-6,000 years ago (Gibbons 2007: 364; see also Brace et al. 2018 for information on what the first Britons looked like according to “white-hating lefties” [Admin 2018] and Hendrick 2021 for more information on unsettling people’s evolutionary assumptions on race).Both the pluralist and critical approaches view “the public as a subject, which has its own agency and interacts with the past according to its beliefs, interests, and agendas” (Matsuda 2016: 43). These changes are still new for a field rooted in colonialism, so we’re still learning how to effectively conduct public archaeology and outreach.
Community Archaeology
In a general sense, “community archaeology” is the term we use to describe the active participation of non-archaeologists in the archaeological research process, as described above. Ideally, community archaeology includes seven components with which the community is involved in: devising research questions or areas of interest, “setting up a project, field practices, data collection, analysis, storage and dissemination, and public presentation” (Marshall 2002: 211). This means that the community has some level of control of the project at each step (Marshall 2002:212). Arguably one of the most important aspects of community archaeology is that the management of the cultural heritage remains with the community and that research findings are publicly presented (i.e., public outreach is a necessity!) (Marshall 2002:215). Allowing communities to make critical decisions about the direction and implementation of research may seem like a terrifying loss to archaeologists, but it really provides a depth to the research that would’ve otherwise been impossible to achieve (Marshall 2002: 218).
By this point you’re probably wondering who this elusive “community” is. Two types of community tend to show up for these kinds of projects, and often at the same time: people who live locally, either close to or directly at the site, as well as descendants (people who trace their descent from the people who once lived at or near the site in question).
To see community archaeology in action, let’s take a look at Ozette, a late prehistoric/early whaling village at Neah Bay in Washington State (Marshall 2002: 212-213). A mudslide in 1970 exposed substantial house timbers among other organic artifacts (which you may or may not know is absolutely incredible considering organic artifacts typically decompose). This prompted the Makah Tribal Council to contact an archaeologist, and together they set in motion a huge excavation program from 1970 through 1981. The Makah community provided direction throughout the whole project and opened the site to visitors; up to 60,000 people visited each year. Excavated materials were stored and displayed by the Makah community at the newly created Makah Cultural Research Center and a host of publications concerning the site were published. The close collaboration between the archaeologists and Makah residents, the control maintained by Makah people over the project, the retention of the excavated materials by the Makah community for the purposes of preservation, storage, and display, as well as the extensive publications about the site “are very much the goals of community archaeology” (Marshall 2002: 213).
Why Is Public Outreach Important?
The fact is, archaeological sites around the world are in danger. This is important because cultural patrimony (the ongoing cultural importance of an artifact) and heritage tell us who we are and where we come from, which consequently affects our world views and how we act, thus impacting both our present and future.
With a decrease in natural resources, scientists are increasingly looking towards the ocean for the mining of precious and non-precious metals, aggregates extraction, marine engineering, and the production of marine-zone nonrenewable energy, all putting underwater archaeological sites at risk of destruction (Flatman 2009). On the coasts, archaeological sites are threatened by rising sea levels and increasingly powerful storms caused by global warming, among other anthropogenic transformations such as development, mining, and dredging (Fitzpatrick and Braje 2019). War zones see particularly copious amounts of destruction to cultural heritage, either through the creation of defense mechanisms such as trenches, through bombing, or through the intentional destruction of cultural items in an attempt to wipe away one’s nascent culture. Two of the most prominent examples are the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Approximately 2500 objects and sculptures were destroyed, defaced, or stolen from the National Museum of Afghanistan between the years of 1996 and 2001. In Iraq, military bases were established at Babylon and near Ur of the Chaldees, leading to the damage of the archaeological record by way of trench digging, imported gravel, and fuel spills. There was also rampant looting in Iraq (Cunliffe and Curtis 2011).
While it doesn’t get much popular press, national and international cultural sites also face threats due to political decisions. President Trump, recognizing the importance of cultural sites, threatened to bomb 52 Iranian cultural sites “VERY FAST AND VERY HARD” as retribution for 52 American hostages that were taken years prior (Jacobson 2020). In 2017, Trump repealed massive amounts of land in Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears National Monuments that had previously been protected by the Antiquities Act (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This action puts at risk 100,000 archaeological and cultural sites in Bears Ears National Monument alone, including Cedar Mesa which has one of the highest densities of cultural sites in America at several hundred sites per square mile, all to make way for coal mining, irresponsible and damaging motorized recreation, uranium mining, and oil and gas leasing (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This is devastating for the local Native American tribes—including the Hopi tribe, Navajo Nation, Pueblo of Zuni, Ute Indian Tribe, and Ute Mountain Ute tribe—whose ancestral material culture, that provides grounding and pride in their ancestors, is deemed “not unique” or “not of significant scientific or historic interest” and thus disposable by the president (Biber et al 2017). On October 8. 2021, President Biden restored the original boundaries for Bears Ears and interagency planning with tribal input is underway to manage and protect that important landscape.
Unfortunately, there are many more threats and sites at risk than here mentioned.
The loss of archaeological sites can cause irreparable damage to communities around the world and thus needs to be stopped. Without archaeological sites, oppressed peoples can be disenfranchised of their history and culture; history can be rewritten by the victor with no one the wiser; and we may never know the truth of where we come from, which could negatively impact the way we think about ourselves (i.e., we may feel we were predestined to live this way, when what evolutionary archaeology shows us so far is that there is no one way to be human). There are many other reasons why archaeology—or the loss thereof—can damage communities. To exemplify the importance of archaeology generally and thus the need for public outreach, I will provide some instances in which (the public communication of) archaeology can widely impact different communities. I discuss how learning from our past, telling stories, and correcting harmful narratives all contribute to the communities where archaeologists conduct their work.
Learn from Our Past
We can learn a surprising amount about humans’ past actions that can help inform how we behave today. In particular, we can look to the past to determine how to create a sustainable future. Between 1987 and 1995 archaeologists of the Garbage Project at the University of Arizona systematically excavated fifteen landfills across North America, in which they found that dating as far back as the 1950s, paper occupied the most landfill space because it was biodegrading very slowly, contrary to what people had once believed (Rathje 2008: 37). Shortly after the excavation reports came out, governments and individual communities began pushing for the curbside recycling that we have come to know and love (Rathje 2008: 37), and now we have any number of recycled paper products at our disposal.
In August 2020, NPR posted an article entitled, “To Manage Wildfire, California Looks to What Tribes Have Known All Along” (Sommer 2020). This article explains how the banning of local Native Americans’ controlled burning practices has led to increased vegetation, which dries out every summer and acts as the kindling for the state’s notorious fires. The state government has recently come to trust in the oral histories of the local tribes and the archaeological record, which argue that the controlled burning of the past had actually been a successful mode of wildfire risk management. According to archaeological finds, controlled burning has been occurring over a vast amount of time and space (Bowman 1998; Heckenberger et al. 2007; Mason 2000). The extent of this evidence provides us with a feasible path forward as we try to reconcile the damage we have since caused through global warming.
Share Untold Stories
Archaeology has a long history of focusing on the stories of rich, able-bodied white men in their prime. This means that the long and equally important histories of ethnic, gendered, and aged minorities are being left out of the stories we tell about the past. This is problematic, because the exclusion of one’s past can lead to subjugation by a dominant group, who often touts their successful past. However, archaeology can also be useful at challenging these problematic assumptions.
Let’s think about the Man the Hunter model of human evolution—you probably envision men running toward a mammoth with their spears held high, ready for another successful kill, but what do you know about women in the Paleolithic? Probably not much. You probably imagine that women just stayed home with their babies and hoped a cave lion wouldn’t come kill them while their big and strong husbands were off catching dinner. Note that I say imagine, because women’s roles are often entirely left out of the story.
Instead, the first anatomically modern humans are often spoken about in the context of their subsistence activities, which are all attributed to men’s behaviors; thus men are the only actors we really hear about in the Paleolithic. Do you know how we can tell it was men who did all of those activities? Well, we actually can’t tell that at all. In the advent of Paleolithic research, archaeologists of the time were just copy-and-pasting our modern-day gender roles to the past. As of yet there is little theory to actually determine the extent of the gender roles in the deep past (Conkey and Spector 1984).
However, recent research suggests that women were actively hunting, at least in Peru 9,000 years ago (Wei-Haas 2020). Archaeologists came across a burial in the Andes mountains in which the skeletal remains were accompanied by an extensive kit of 24 tools for big game hunting. The archaeologists at the time assumed that the remains were those of an important male hunter. However, upon further analysis, the remains were shown to be biologically female. This spurred the reevaluation of a number of similar burials throughout the Americas and it turns out that between 30% and 50% of the big game hunters—as interpreted by grave goods—were biologically female. By ignoring women’s roles in the past, we risk perpetuating an imagining of men as the drivers of human evolution and success and women as only good for their birthing capabilities. Sharing the stories of this oft-forgotten sect of society could do much to waylay some of the poor excuses people make today in regards to sexism and gender roles.
Dr. Diane Wallman of the University of South Florida has worked on a public archaeology project at the Gamble Plantation Historic Site. Originally established as a sugar plantation by Robert H. Gamble in the mid-19th century, the property was later inhabited by the Confederate Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, and later an attorney. Although there is clear reverence for the confederate officer, as shown by the large memorial erected in his name, Dr. Wallman is actually interested in exploring the lives of the enslaved laborers who lived and worked on this plantation, and whose stories have not been given the recognition or reverence they deserve. To share these stories, Dr. Wallman has given public lectures (e.g., AIA Event Listings 2019) and provided her expertise as a guest on podcasts (e.g., Anthro Alert 2017). Additionally, the excavations are exclusively during archaeological field schools, and the site is open to the public to participate in the dig. One of Dr. Wallman’s Master's students in 2019 collected information from archives, remote sensing, and archaeological investigation to understand the lives of enslaved peoples on this plantation with the goal of engaging descendant communities in particular in future archaeological research on the site (Litteral 2019).
In this sense, the portrayal of stories often left untold can help generate pride in one’s people. If your peoples’ life stories are continually being ignored and at times discredited, then archaeology that gives those underrepresented groups a tangible connection with their ancestors can go a long way toward building pride in one’s community. Getting that message outside of the descendant community can go even further in making others recognize and value the importance of the minority heritage as well.
Correct Harmful Narratives
Archaeology has unfortunately perpetuated many negative narratives on its own. However, the public also communicates harmful narratives of our pasts. Harmful narratives refer to stories that are told and are argued to be based on science, typically about a minority and how/why they are subjugated or why people act a certain way. Luckily, new archaeological research or the reevaluation of current archaeological research, can work to correct these harmful narratives. Getting these corrected stories out to the public can then begin to make real change in the way people conceptualize themselves and their place in the world.
Based on my research, people have gathered from popular media and their own life experiences that violence is an inherent human trait. Furthermore, violence is seen as the driving factor of our species’ evolution: if it hadn’t been for our penchant for violence we would not have been able to compete with other groups or animals, nor would we have been able to outlive the Neanderthals. Despite the fact that most people now have 1% to 4% Neanderthal DNA (Green et al. 2010), which means there had to be a relatively high amount of Neanderthal/anatomically Modern Human sexual relations that far back, all of my interview participants were extremely confident in stating that we humans would have met Neanderthals with nothing but violence. The inherent and long-lasting evolutionary trait of violence provides justification for wars and senseless acts. However, there is very little evidence of violence in the deep past, which means people are making assumptions about the deep past based on their lived experience and the research on the topic is not being adequately shared with the public.
Another example includes the multitude of pseudoarchaeological claims that now exist, namely shows such as Ancient Aliens and In Search of Aliens. These shows primarily explain why it was in no way possible for Indigenous communities to have built such incredible structures so far back in time, and conclude that these structures and the cultures surrounding them must have been created by aliens. Whether or not it is the hosts’ intent, these messages work to portray indigenous communities as technologically and socially inferior. Public outreach on how incredible these Indigenous communities really are by means of the archaeological evidence we have for their agency—as opposed to alien interference—could go a long way to prove that not only aliens and white Europeans have intelligence and civilization.
Improve Quality of Archaeological Research
In order to even begin conducting research, archaeologists need to get funding. In my experience, archaeology departments are often bereft of their own internal funding, meaning individual researchers need to look elsewhere. If the funding sources and the public are unfamiliar with your field or your work, they are unlikely to deem it important enough to give funds to when there are more pressing projects with more evident real-world impacts. It is necessary to write funding requests in such a way that the reader can understand your project, because they won’t necessarily have an archaeological background. That being said, it’s all about knowing how to write for a particular audience. In addition to grants, funding or volunteer labor may come from community organizations, so it is important to reach out to local communities and get them excited about your project as well. In addition to funding, strong community relations can provide one’s project with input on how the project should be carried out or what research questions may be important to explore. Community relations are especially important for projects occurring on the land of the descendant community for this reason.
Archaeologists are by nature specialized—you have lithics specialists, pottery specialists, biological archaeologists, zooarchaeologists, etc. We are a field that inherently has to draw on numerous other specialists and fields to get a full picture of what a site is telling us. For example, we draw on the expertise of chemists, geologists, geneticists, geographers, and botanists, among many others (Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019). By communicating with an audience wider than those who read archaeological journals or attend archaeological conferences, we begin to build teams of varied researchers who can all learn and benefit from each other.
I have showed how public outreach isn’t only important for educating the public, but also for how it improves the quality of the archaeological research itself, by making it easier to get funding and collaborate with people from other disciplines. The following sections describe the methods used by archaeologists to reach the public.
Methods of Public Outreach
In today’s world, there are an infinite number of ways archaeologists can engage with the public. These methods can be divided into three different categories: traditional media (print, audio, and visual forms), online digital content, and interpersonal or interactive learning experiences (Erdman 2019). While the options for communication may be endless, it’s important to keep in mind what kind of demographic you’re attempting to reach when you’re choosing which method of communication is best suited to your project. Furthermore, each of these broad categories of communication have different levels of accuracy, access, and effectiveness that need to be taken into account when planning your public outreach. In this section, I will explain some of the particular communicative avenues one could take within each broad communication method, as well as provide some considerations, limitations, and benefits.
Traditional Media
Print media, including books, newspapers, and magazines, have historically been the primary means of scientific communication (Harding 2007: 120) and are often viewed as the most credible forms of scientific communication because of the rigorous editing and peer-review process that they often go through (Erdman 2019: 5). Indeed, my own ethnographic research on this topic has shown that my survey participants considered books to be their most valued source of scientific information (Hendrick 2021). However, our understanding of the past is continually changing, thus outdating these supposedly accurate sources (Erdman 2019: 5). More and more researchers’ work is being digitized or published in online journals. At this time, many of the journals are kept behind steep paywalls, making the likelihood of a merely curious lay-person reading it less realistic—who wants to pay to wade through jargon that they might not even understand? There seems to be an uptick in researchers who are interested in widely disseminating their research and there are now websites such as Academia.edu and ResearchGate that make journal articles much more accessible (Erdman 2019); however, there is still the issue of archaeological jargon.
Each form of print publication serves a different level of insight. For example, “A short newspaper article offers highlights; a magazine…offers a more contextualized account of a site, artifact, or culture; and a book or professional journal may address a specific topic more in-depth” (Erdman 2019: 6). The benefit of this is that there is a means of print communication that will fit everyone’s pace and depth of interest and they will likely provide additional resources for the especially curious reader to pursue if they so desire.
Examples of archaeology in print media
- Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology by Kenneth Feder
- Sapiens by Yuval Noah Harari (This is a good example of how popular books with archaeology can be, but it is poor science)
- Paleofantasy: What Evolution Really Tells Us About Sex, Diet, and How We Live by Marlene Zuk
Television has been argued to represent a depiction of “the truth” and thus works to mold people’s perceptions of the world (Pagán 2015: 16), making it an effective format for educational purposes. Part of the audio/visual success in regards to perception molding is because seeing is believing: visual representations offer a physical point of reference for the audience, which makes it easier to understand and connect with the material rather than having to parse through abstract written word (Erdman 2019: 7). Indeed, it’s been shown that audio-visual materials (such as film/television clips and song or speech clips) are effective learning devices and that students are increasingly becoming visual learners (Hoover 2006).
Television shows get much higher viewership than do print materials, so educational television shows would reach a far larger audience than any one book may (Pagán 2015). With an abundance of streaming services online—such as Hulu, Netflix, and Amazon Prime—television is more widely accessible than ever before (so long as you have Internet access and another $10 or so to spend each month). The downside to this is that there are many other shows available as well, which means someone would likely have to be actively seeking out educational television to happen upon an archaeology program.
Audio and visual media—such as radio, podcasts, film, and television—have a varying level of accuracy, and one is equally likely to encounter an educational show as they are a fantastical, sensationalized account that only uses archeology as a starting point for their fantasy (Erdman 2019:6). Although television used to be a popular location for widespread science communication, television producers today consider lecture series and more educational television to be too dry for their audiences (Harding 2007: 120). Among archaeologists, the typical treatments of archaeological finds and sites are arguably dry and unexciting, which leads news editors and television producers to insist on packaging the hard archaeological facts in sensationalism, catchy headlines, and “halo[s] of soft focus images [and] music” (Harding 2007: 124). However, this type of sensationalism can result in misunderstandings, misrepresentations of the data, or contribute to common tropes, as the stories that get picked up by these mediums tend to revolve around “sexy” topics like sex and drugs. This is not to say that good educational television does not exist; indeed, shows like PBS’ NOVA typically feature engaging stories on recent archaeological discoveries, yet people tend to be more familiar with Ancient Aliens than NOVA. This makes the explosion of archaeological podcasts by archaeologists that much more important; archaeologists are turning dry and unexciting information into funny and/or thought-provoking conversations that cater to both novices and professionals alike. Although these podcasts face the same caveat as television shows, in that one likely has to seek out this kind of educational topic, it is encouraging to see archaeologists in all stages of their careers utilizing this increasingly popular medium.
Examples of podcasts
- ArchaeoEd (Archaeologist Dr. Ed Barnhart talks about ancient civilizations in the Americas)
- The Dirt (method, theory, and thematic episodes with humor; appropriate for non-archaeologists and archaeologists alike)
- Ologies (this covers all sorts of science, but there are a number of archaeological/anthropological related episodes; the premise is “asking smart people stupid questions,” so no previous knowledge needed here)
Hard Archaeological Fiction
The primary setbacks of traditional media revolve around the difficult language and dry presentation. For this reason, I (Hendrick 2016, 2021) and many other scholars (e.g., Terrell 1990; Spector 1991, 1993; Fagan 2010; Holtorf 2010; Mickel 2012; ) have argued for an increase in “hard” archaeological fiction (Messenger 2019), which is fiction based on archaeological data. With over 45 million copies sold worldwide by 2010 (Auel 2010), perhaps one of the most popular examples of hard archaeological fiction is Jean Auel’s account of human life in the Paleolithic: The Earth’s Children series, the first novel of which is Clan of the Cave Bear. Auel did an incredible amount of research on life in the Paleolithic and based two of her main characters, Iza and Creb, on Neanderthal remains found in the archaeological cave site known as Shanidar (Auel 2010). While Auel may have overstepped her creative boundaries in terms of gender relations, which have resulted in negative stereotypes (see Hendrick 2021), she imagined what no other scholar was willing to consider at the time: that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans procreated. Eventually it came to light that yes, the two groups of Homo sapiens had indeed mated. Auel’s creative imagination was able to conjure up images of the past which we had not yet begun to think of, a skill that is especially important for archaeologists to hone if they are to accurately portray the past. By that I mean, we actually have very little idea about what exactly the past—especially that long ago—looked like in terms of social organization, but we can be sure that it wasn’t necessarily a mirror image of our own society. Thus, we must use our imaginations to envision worlds that are vastly different from our own.
In essence, fiction is a method of escaping our biases. According to Wiley (1981) as cited by Conkey and Spector (1984:21), it is not the fragmentary and often “invisible” nature of archaeological data that hinders our knowledge of the past, but rather our epistemologies. Therefore, the use of imagination or fiction is not only a valuable methodological skill for archaeologists to practice, but it is a much more interesting and accessible format of archaeological data dissemination than traditional archaeological writing. Additionally, fiction communicates to the reader that archaeological interpretations are fluid, by which I mean they change based on emerging discoveries, theories, and interpretations, which subsequently changes the story. One of the main difficulties in disseminating scientific knowledge is that public broadcasts typically ignore the fact that science is wrapped up in “ifs” and “buts,” either imparting a misrepresentation of the research by making the data sound definitive and/or leaving the public to mistrust scientists when their findings end up changing down the road (Harding 2007). The presence of diverse hard archaeological fiction will emulate the varying archaeological interpretations and “ifs” and “buts” that permeate archaeological literature. Hard archaeological fiction also works to promote cross-cultural empathy and an appreciation for the work archaeologists do (Messenger 2019).
Examples of hard evolutionary fiction (different stories = different archaeological interpretations)
- Clan of the Cave Bear by Jean Auel
- Reindeer Moon by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas
- The Inheritors by William Golding
- Dance of the Tiger by Björn Kurtén
Online Digital Content
Digital content refers to content designed specifically for the Internet. However, it uses elements of traditional media, and thus has the same benefits/drawbacks. One of the biggest benefits of online digital content in particular is that it “bring[s] the world of higher education to people who could not otherwise access it” (Harding 2007: 121). This does not only include the level of information one can find on the Internet, but also the fact that you can learn about people and places all over the world as opposed to the local contexts that one is often taught in school and in museums. Even better, it’s up-to-date research and ideas, because the information in the digital content can easily be fixed or asked and answered immediately in online forums and webinars (Erdman 2019). This opens up a lot more opportunity for direct engagement with a larger audience.
Social media is an excellent tool to educate people by sharing the process of a research project in real time as well as to spread the word about upcoming in-person outreach events or exciting sites to visit. Twitter provides much public engagement with the topic of archaeology because hashtags make it easy to follow a general topic and it’s widely used to get up-to-date news by following a variety of users (Huvila 2013). Facebook is more oriented towards a social group, so you have to be friends with someone to get updates on what they post, and archaeological-related posts are only featured on someone’s newsfeed if they’re a part of one of those groups or pages or are friends with someone who is (Huvila 2013). This means engagement with archaeology on Facebook is relatively limited.
Two major problems of digital content are the unlimited resources and access to the Internet. With so many different blogs, websites, articles, and social media platforms, you have to actively search for information on a particular subject and then put the effort into doing a credibility check. Additionally, there are still many who cannot access digital content due to the lack of a computer or reliable Internet, a problem that many schools and families had to cope with when schools went online during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Examples of online digital content
- Sapiens- online anthropology magazine
- Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian National Museum of History- everything from human evolution basics to lesson plans
- Bones, Stones, and Books – blog by Stefanie Halmhofer on the reality of practicing archaeology, advice for students, and pseudoarchaeology
Interpersonal/Interactive Learning
One of the best ways to engage the public in archaeological discourse is via community involvement, because it provides a tangible link to the past (Erdman 2019) and a place in the knowledge production process; the subsequent claim of ownership over that knowledge can arouse further interest in the topic as well as foster a reverence for historical preservation (Harding 2007). It also makes the field more “real;” most people don’t know what archaeology is, much less know an archaeologist. By getting to physically engage with an archaeologist, the field becomes legitimized because it can coincide with personal experience. In essence, community involvement is any kind of direct interaction with non-specialists, such as through community archaeology projects, museum and outreach programs, public lectures, and getting involved with a school (Erdman 2019). An example of interactive learning was the Passport in Time program, in which the US Forest Service enlists the help of non-specialist volunteers to do a number of cultural heritage management activities at sites on public land across the country, including survey and excavation, restoration, archival research, oral history gathering, and more (Clearinghouse). Professional archaeologists, historians, and preservationists act as the volunteers’ hosts, guides, and coworkers during the experience. This form of active learning ensures that accurate and contemporary information is being shared. Unfortunately, it was discontinued in 2024 after a 20 year run.
Many interpersonal/interactive learning opportunities involve being somewhere in-person, which means they’re primarily in local contexts. That is to say, not everywhere has an archaeologist, museum, or university to conduct these programs, and traveling to attend them in other towns or cities isn’t accessible to everyone (Erdman 2019). So while these programs have an amazing impact on those lucky enough to participate, your information reaches a limited number of people.
The Bottom Line
No matter the format, you need to create a story. People are more engaged in archaeological information if it is easy to follow and is relatable. Making the information relatable is by far the biggest tip I can give you. People do better when human case studies are used (Pobiner 2021), which means you need to bring the human into any discussion of material culture. This can be accomplished in a hard-archaeological vignette (Spector 1991) or by bringing the human of archaeology to the forefront of the science by making the archaeologist the main character—take non-specialists on the discovery and interpretation process with you. Each method—traditional media, online digital content, and interpersonal/interactive learning—has its pros and cons and each needs to be tailored to a particular audience, however the benefits of using a story format to engage non-specialists is a skill that benefits each of these approaches.
Creating an Outreach Project
Ask yourself the following questions to figure out where you should even begin with an outreach project. Once you decide whether you want to write a book, star in a television show, start a Twitter account, or invite the local third graders to come dig at your archaeological site, take the creative reins and figure out what exactly that book will say, show will look like, or lessons will be taught.
What's the Goal?
Refer back to the reasons why we do (public) archaeology in the first place and find the one that identifies best with your site. Your site includes not only the physical place, but what the data tells you (does it contradict a long-held belief? Does it tell us something about sustainability?) and what the descendant community wants (do they want this knowledge shared widely or do they want it within the community?). You also need to consider how many people you want to reach with your project.
What Are My Strengths?
Are you a computer geek? Start a website or build a videogame! Are you good at creative writing? Write hard archaeological fiction! Are you good at public speaking? Do a lecture series! Whatever it is you’re good at, incorporate it into your project. That’s not to say that you can’t learn how to use a new technology or gain a new skill, it just depends on your willingness to learn those things and what your timeline looks like.
Who Do I Know?
For interpersonal/interactive learning, you’ll likely have to team up with another organization, however it’s much easier to get a project off the ground if you reach out to an individual rather than the organization as a whole (White 2019; Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019; Reetz, Haury-Artz, and Gorsch 2019). For example, ask a teacher if they want to participate in an archaeology-related activity rather than the principal because most teachers don’t have a background in archaeology and may feel too overwhelmed or have too little free time to learn enough to be confident in teaching it. It’s essential to find someone who’s as jazzed about this fun learning experience as you are.
Who Is Your Audience?
This first affects your language. Never involve jargon, unless explained properly and in an easy-to-understand manner. You also want to make sure to keep your language age-appropriate. Check out the Gunning Fog Index for more information on how to check the readability of your work (this means how many years of education someone would need to know what you’re saying). The size of your audience will also affect your outreach project, as explained above.
What if I Want to Learn, Not Create?
Maybe communicating archaeology isn’t your jam; maybe you’re interested in learning about it, but don’t like it enough to make it your job to teach others. That’s okay! Knowing about the various formats of public communication and their associated pros and cons will help you find what method is most engaging for you as well as what drawbacks to your understanding they may have. Before you explore some of the examples of successful archaeological public outreach listed above for a more engaging and creative means of learning about the past, I encourage you to think about where you have previously heard about archaeology: news articles, television, movies, podcasts? Did they use definitive language, sexy titles, or simply confirm your biases? How much evidence did they provide for each claim? In essence, I’m asking you to assess the validity of what you’ve experienced about archaeology in the public sphere. Whereas the bulk of this chapter is focused on how to get archaeological information out into the world, it’s equally important to know how to evaluate information that’s already out there.
In Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology, Feder (2011: xviii-xix) provides a “Quick Start Guide” to assessing the validity of a claim:
- Where is the claim presented? A peer-reviewed journal, a science-based magazine, an anonymous website or a chat group? The objectivity of a claim varies based on where it’s presented, so finding a proper source is important.
- Who is making the claim? A trained archaeologist, a trained scientist in a different field, a news broadcaster? Each of these people will have different levels of understanding of the material and may or may not relay the information properly.
- How does this person making the claim know and/or what evidence is presented? Most importantly, is the scientific method followed? The important takeaway here is that the claim must be based on observation and tested, not based on intuition or anything equally as intangible.
- Are other experts consulted and if so, how do they evaluate the claim? If most other scientists in the field are skeptical, or no other scientific support is given, it probably isn’t a strong claim.
- Is enough information given for you to make an informed decision on the claim’s legitimacy, or are you left with questions?
These questions will help you evaluate all sources and claims, not just archaeological ones. At the same time, they’re great guiding questions for how to craft your own valid arguments in whatever field you pursue.
Case Study
Up to this point, I’ve explained what public outreach and archaeology are, why they’re important, all the different ways you can go about it, and how to figure out which method is best. The following case study will show you how, in a real-life context, you might go about creating a public outreach project by breaking it down by these various elements. I’ll take you through the guiding questions to show how I arrived at my project idea, but you’ll notice that I had to ask myself a lot of additional questions as well. Each archaeological site is different, so outside of the four I’ve given you here you’ll have to listen to what the site and its participants are telling you they need.
Context/Goal
During a land development project in Duncan, BC, an archaeological site now known as Ye’yumnuts was discovered. Ye’yumnuts is a habitation site that was populated by the ancestors of the Cowichan tribe over three separate occupation periods. At the time of excavation, a multitude of amazing artifacts and features were found, including a jade adze sourced from hundreds of kilometers away in the Fraser Canyon, the imprint of a structure, and a pile of fire cracked rocks 10cm deep and 5m wide.
It took two decades of legal battles to protect this ancestral site, and now that it once again belongs to the Cowichan, they wanted to share the site as a source of inspiration for their youth and education for the broader community of Duncan. In particular, the Cowichan tribe wanted school curriculum developed about the site so that local schools could study local ancient history as opposed to that of far away, out of context places, like Egypt. A key element of this goal involved getting children excited in the archaeological findings, thus stimulating an appreciation for their peoples’ deep history. Whatever project that I created would be featured on the website Commemorating Ye’yumnuts.
At this point, I can answer a few guiding questions:
- What is my goal? Inspire Cowichan youth, educate the broader community of Duncan, BC, and get people excited about archaeology
- Whom do I know? Cowichan tribal members, administrators of a local school district, my professor who had been involved in the archaeology of the site
- Who is my audience? Settler and Cowichan community members of all ages, with special attention to students.
- What has already been done/what topics have already been covered? After taking a look at the site’s website, I saw that there were activities on artifacts, the history of the site since the beginning of time, legal battles, media analysis of news coverage, etc.
Because my passion in life is making archaeology fun, I decided to focus in on this particular goal to start my brainstorming. One of the gaps I found in the topics for which curricular material was already available was in the features; no one had talked about any of the features on the site yet, which was incredible because there were so many and they pose a lot of questions in terms of site functionality. The problem with this site and getting people excited about the archaeology of it, especially the features, is that you can no longer see the archaeology on the land. Once excavations were completed, the site was filled in. Now, it is a grassy area surrounded by a protective fence with interpretive signage looping around the site. So how do you get people excited about something abstract, something they can’t even see? The issue of invisibility told me I had to do something visual regarding the site’s features; I had to bring the site alive for my audience.
- What are my strengths? Unfortunately, nothing visual—my main strengths lie in my creative writing. However, I’m a quick learner and was determined to produce something unique and exciting for my student viewers. So, I decided to create a pre-fieldtrip tool to introduce students to the site and sat down at my laptop to start learning how to use Google Tour Creator.
It was time to make a virtual reality tour.
Knowledge Production
This outreach project was being done in collaboration with a local Indigenous group, so it was obvious I would be including their knowledge and interpretations of these archaeological features in my VR tour. There is much research circulating about the benefits of a landed methodology, which just means actually being in the land when you’re doing your work instead of being an armchair anthropologist because it provides you with a deeper, more embodied understanding. For example, at one of our visits to Ye’yumnuts our professor brought some of the artifacts back to the site and as I stood there holding the jade adze in my hand I was overwhelmed by how connected I felt to the site and to these past peoples to the extent that I began to tear up. Needless to say, this enhanced my drive to produce a quality outreach tool to get people as emotionally invested as I.
I decided to use Severin Fowles’ (2010) “comparative or cross-cultural phenomenological methodology” of collaboration in which the anthropologist walks the land with indigenous community members. The Cowichan elder I was working with, Luschiim, was unable to physically walk the land with me, so in lieu of the physical experience I showed him photos of the archaeological features and recorded his interpretations and related stories. However, I was able to walk the site with the lead archaeologist, Eric McLay, who provided rich archaeological data for me.
Google Tour Creator allows you to include one minute of audio, one photo, and up to 300 characters of text for each point of interest (in this case, each archaeological feature). While the photos were either photos of the archaeological feature itself or an archaeological reconstruction of what it may have looked like in use, I used the audio and text to blend the local conceptions of history with the archaeological evidence I gathered from my interviews. When possible I included commentary from both Luschiim and Eric in the same audio clip. When there was just too much good information from them both to fit it into one measly minute I tended to privilege audio clips of Luschiim and included the archaeological data in the text portion. I made this decision because I was conducting this project on behalf of the Cowichan tribe and this was their story to tell. Because the amount of information you can include in the VR tour is so limited, I also made an associated informational booklet for schoolteachers so they would have more background information to inform their lessons or answer the questions of curious students.
Benefits of VR
I just want to take a moment to really home in on what a powerful tool VR can be. As I’ve already mentioned, it’s perfect for making the invisible visible—in this case the hidden archaeological features. It also mimics place-based learning, since the whole concept is about making you feel like you’re somewhere you’re not. This makes it a great tool for students to get familiar with the site before arriving, it makes the site accessible to everyone everywhere, and it fosters a deeper emotional connection with the site. It’s also accessible in terms of cost; all you need is a smartphone and a cardboard VR viewer. The cardboard VR viewers from Google cost less than $10, which makes it a feasible classroom activity. Finally, VR is incredibly interactive, making it an engaging and effective method of learning.
Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Jenna Hendrick received her B.A. in Anthropology and English from SUNY Binghamton and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Victoria. Currently, Jenna is both the producer of The Dirt—a podcast about archaeology, anthropology, and our shared human past—and the assistant archaeologist for Curtin Archaeological Consulting. Before working in CRM, Jenna excavated at Peyre Blanque, a Magdalenian open-air site in France, as well as dabbled in archaeological conservation. Her research interests include human evolution/human life in the Paleolithic, peoples' perceptions of the deep past/their “nature,” and communicating archaeology.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
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The systematic ranking of biological organisms based on hierarchical categories that reflect the sharing of similar traits or common ancestry.
An archaeological theory that sought to explain change in the archaeological record by ideas or technologies diffusing, or spreading, from a single point of origin
An item found in archaeological context which was deposited before or after the human habitation or activity directly associated with a particular component, and as such does not reflect the activities that created the site.
Information with a value that can be measured or counted (quantified), and have a distinct numeric value; contrasts with qualitative data, which refer to information that observed, characterized, described, and recorded but not quantified.
Learning Objectives
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Describe the importance of public outreach in archaeology
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Identify methods of public outreach and suggest situations where specific methods may be better suited to a certain archaeological project
Introduction
Every time I tell someone new that I’m an archaeologist, I’m generally met with four different responses:
- “What’s your favorite dinosaur?”
- “A real-life Indiana Jones!”
- “Oh wow, you must find all sorts of cool treasures!”
- “I always wanted to be an archaeologist, but it just wasn’t feasible. I’d love to start the hobby when I retire though!”
These four responses tell me firstly that many people conflate archaeologists and paleontologists—leading to awkward laughing and my admitting that the only dinosaur I know of is the T-Rex. They also tell me that most of what people know about archaeology comes from popular media, namely the Indiana Jones franchise, which harps on this idea of “treasure” rather than cultural significance. This search for treasure then becomes more of a hobby rather than an actual profession, with people assuming archaeologists just dig around in remote areas of the world to find pretty items to line the shelves of museums and private collections with, or to sell. Indeed, shows like American Digger and Indiana Jones do much to emphasize the monetary benefits of artifacts (Pagán 2015), which can lead to the destruction and unlawful looting of archaeological sites. To summarize, it is rare that anyone knows what it is we as archaeologists actually do and how we impact their day-to-day lives with the important research we conduct.
The thing about archaeology is that, even if people don’t totally know what it is, they still tend to associate it as a “cool” profession—so cool, in fact, that it could be a hobby! That said, even if someone were interested enough to try to do their own research on archaeological discoveries, they would not be likely to understand what’s going on. Research papers use so much jargon that sometimes archaeologists with different specialties can’t understand a research article outside of their area of interest (Fagan 2010) so how could a lay person understand what’s going on? Public outreach in this regard becomes a means of translation; we need to communicate with the public in terms they understand because they want to learn, and if we don’t help them, then they either become discouraged and their interest wanes, or they misunderstand the research, which could lead to negative consequences (discussed in detail below).
Furthermore, people are interested in understanding their place in the world, and archaeology can provide them with some of that context. Evolution in particular gains much attraction from the public because people are in search of the healthiest ways to live their lives or are looking for excuses for poor behavior (i.e. violence, sexual aggression and promiscuity; see McCaughey 2008 or Zuk 2013). However, once they grab hold of something—like the Paleo-diet—they tend to run with it, ignoring the fact that science is fluid and discoveries are made every day. For example, although the Paleo-diet considers the ingestion of grain products blasphemous, there’s actually been recent evidence saying that hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic had been making bread-like products around 14,000 years ago (Zeldovich 2018). Unfortunately for me, the discovery came after I received my Paleo-cookbook for Christmas.
Even more unfortunate is the fact that most evolutionary scientists have done nothing to correct the misconceptions that are so vehemently being passed along; instead, they respond with disgust and condemnation, despite the fact that some practitioners actively reach out to scientists in an attempt to better understand their food practices and make sure they’re being scientifically up-to-date (Chang and Nowell: 2016). Robb Wolf, a prominent member of the Paleo-diet community, has lamented on this very response from anthropologists: “What I have sensed from the anthropology community is an almost… annoyance that upstarts from outside that Guild have the temerity to talk about this stuff and try to apply it in an actionable way… If I could wave a magic wand I’d hope for a bit less prickliness on the part of the medical anthropology community on this topic… If we could get them to understand just how important their understanding of the past is, we might have a much better future’” (Chang and Nowell: 2016: 230).
The thing is, anthropologists know their understanding of the past is important—so why aren’t we leaning into that, especially when others see our studies’ worth? People are interested in what we as archaeologists do and study and it is our obligation to engage them in our work, especially when they reach out to us.
While misconceptions about the field of archaeology and archaeological discoveries themselves are primarily fueled by the media, archaeologists aren’t helping matters. How is anyone outside of the field supposed to know what we do if we do not tell them, much less in language they can understand? It’s necessary that archaeologists begin rigorous public outreach to correct these misinterpretations of our field. In this chapter, I will define public outreach, provide examples of how archaeologists practice public outreach, and explain why it’s important and needs to be done.
Some Considerations
There are many ethical considerations to keep in mind when creating outreach materials—you want to make sure you’re doing things in a “good way.” That being said, I’m going to tell you about what I consider to be two of the most important considerations:
- Keep sensitive cultural material hidden
- You may receive personal anecdotes from community members that you work with, and while they do add a human touch to the “story” you’re trying to tell, they may be too personally or culturally sensitive to share with a wider audience. To accurately deduce what is or is not appropriate to share, collaborate closely with the local community to get their feedback.
- Focusing too heavily on material culture rather than the people who created/used it.
- By focusing solely on the material culture of a site to explain the past, one disconnects the artifacts and the community’s “relationship to their broader environment” (Budwha and Mccreary 2013: 196).
- You risk creating a “spectacle” (Simpson 2011). Reducing people to their material culture relegates the ancestors to the past rather than acknowledging their active participation in the world today. These material objects then act as the face of those who settled there and risk being sensationalized to the extent that they become “native-art-as-usual” (Townsend Gault 2011). Sensationalized objects become static symbols of the past.
Bottom line: Be respectful in what you say, how you say/portray it and collaborate when possible!
The Society for American Archaeology does not have any one definition for public outreach, but rather recognizes it as a collection of methods archaeologists use to engage the public in archaeological research as well as general public awareness ("What Is Public Archaeology?"). Public archaeology can be used synonymously with public outreach.
Public archaeology is often viewed as a subfield of archaeology. However, public outreach in some form or another informs and underlies all archaeology, whether it be in terms of where one’s funding resources come from, where and how one is expected to conduct their fieldwork, how to manage the cultural site, how to treat the archaeological finds, or what kinds of impacts the archaeological research generates (Matsuda 2016:41). All of these instances require communication with some sort of outside source. This means that public outreach can take place before, during, and after the archaeological research is done. Community members can help inform the objectives of an archaeological research project, assist in the actual excavation process beginning as soon as the survey and as late as cleaning and labeling the artifacts, or can be a part of a post-research activity or lecture presented by the researchers. Public outreach can also take place outside of the confines of a particular research project and instead focus on the general understanding of archaeology through hands-on activities in schools or community events. In essence, archaeological public outreach can occur anytime and anywhere in any number of formats.
Public archaeology was once understood to be a means of applying archaeology to the real world via cultural resource management (CRM), contract archaeology, public education, historic preservation, and museology (White et al. 2004). Now there are four different approaches to public archaeology that have been identified:
The educational and public relations approaches are more practice-based, whereas the pluralist and critical approaches are more theoretical.

In particular, the educational approach aims to facilitate people’s learning of the past via archaeological thinking and methods. Archaeological education can occur both on and off-site. Some organizations, like the City of Alexandria’s Archaeology Museum, offer public dig days, in which members of the community can come and participate in an ongoing excavation (White 2019: 37), thus getting hands-on experience in archaeological thinking and methods. For years, the State University of New York at Binghamton’s Undergraduate Anthropology Organization would visit a local elementary school with boxes full of “treasure” strewn in stratified soil, sand, and pebbles, and teach them how to excavate and interpret their findings. These physical experiences not only create strong memories, but also “improves concentration, increases student engagement, and makes learning (and teaching) fun” (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019: 50).
The public relations approach works “to increase the recognition, popularity, and support of archaeology in contemporary society” by forming connections between archaeology and individuals and/or social groups (Matsuda 2016: 41-42). This approach parallels the push for archaeological stewardship where the wider community participates in the knowledge production, protection, and reverence of a site, not just archaeologists. Public relations foster stronger connections and responsibility towards sites and knowledge of the past. True knowledge production requires one to ask questions and interpret the evidence beyond uncovering artifacts at a public dig. For example, Science and Social Studies Adventures (SASSA), an organization that “bring[s] archaeology to the classrooms… in order to enhance science and social studies lessons…” took both physics and social studies students to a field that was planned to become a park. The students were taught how to use ground-penetrating radar (GPR) technology to map out the underground features of the property to determine whether or not an excavation would be necessary (Yezzi-Woodley et al. 2019). In this instance, they not only got the hands-on experience of mapping an area with GPR, but also participated in the knowledge production by interpreting that map and determining the future of the site; they now have a sense of responsibility over something tangible and relevant to their community. Similarly, though off-site, Nina Simon of the OF/BY/FOR ALL project encourages participating museums to actively engage their communities in project and exhibit designs to better cater and connect to the wider community (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021), while at the same time fostering a sense of responsibility and pride of the past.
The educational and public relations approaches have long been established in archaeology; however, the focus on the pluralist and critical approaches only began to gain traction after the 1990s (Matsuda 2016:42).
The pluralist approach attempts to understand different types of relationships between material culture and different members of the public, which essentially means understanding who your public is and where they’re ideologically coming from (Matsuda 2016:42). Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer (2021) have taken a pluralist approach to museum visitors. One German study revealed that museum-goers tend to be highly educated, possess high cultural capital, are satisfied with life, and are open to new experiences (Kluge and Pinsker 2021). Closer to home, the American Alliance of Museums (AAM) found that only 9% of museum visitors are from minority populations (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). Furthermore, the AAM’s 2010 demographic study revealed a number of barriers for African American and Latino visitors: historically, museums feel intimidating and exclusionary; the feeling that museums require specialized knowledge and cultivated esthetic taste; a lack of museum-going in one’s childhood; and social networks influence whether or not one chooses museums as a leisure activity (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021). With this understanding of how people relate to the past in this particular setting (i.e., museums), cultural institutions can better cater to a wider audience. Specifically, they can choose communication methods more often used by their target audience, offer content that the wider community (especially minority populations) can connect with, provide a welcoming atmosphere, and ensure visually and physically comfortable and pleasing spaces (Kluge-Pinsker and Stauffer 2021).
Finally, the critical approach works to unsettle the interpretation of the past as told by socially dominant groups, who typically have ulterior motives that socially subjugate another group by distorting the telling of the past (Matsuda 2016:42). Evolutionary anthropology has largely taken a critical approach since the end of World War II, when it finally became clear that the scientific support of the social construction of race was detrimental to millions of lives. Until then, it was posited by scientists and laypeople alike that race was a biological fact, and one’s intelligence, capabilities, and worth were determined by their race. Now we know that the variation in human skin color is nothing more than a reflection of millions of years adaptation to changing environments (Echo-Hawk and Zimmerman 2006:471). To totally unsettle the interpretation of an evolutionary past in which it was white people who first settled Europe, a study published in 2007 found that the gene associated with light skin didn’t evolve until 12,000-6,000 years ago (Gibbons 2007: 364; see also Brace et al. 2018 for information on what the first Britons looked like according to “white-hating lefties” [Admin 2018] and Hendrick 2021 for more information on unsettling people’s evolutionary assumptions on race).Both the pluralist and critical approaches view “the public as a subject, which has its own agency and interacts with the past according to its beliefs, interests, and agendas” (Matsuda 2016: 43). These changes are still new for a field rooted in colonialism, so we’re still learning how to effectively conduct public archaeology and outreach.
Community Archaeology
In a general sense, “community archaeology” is the term we use to describe the active participation of non-archaeologists in the archaeological research process, as described above. Ideally, community archaeology includes seven components with which the community is involved in: devising research questions or areas of interest, “setting up a project, field practices, data collection, analysis, storage and dissemination, and public presentation” (Marshall 2002: 211). This means that the community has some level of control of the project at each step (Marshall 2002:212). Arguably one of the most important aspects of community archaeology is that the management of the cultural heritage remains with the community and that research findings are publicly presented (i.e., public outreach is a necessity!) (Marshall 2002:215). Allowing communities to make critical decisions about the direction and implementation of research may seem like a terrifying loss to archaeologists, but it really provides a depth to the research that would’ve otherwise been impossible to achieve (Marshall 2002: 218).
By this point you’re probably wondering who this elusive “community” is. Two types of community tend to show up for these kinds of projects, and often at the same time: people who live locally, either close to or directly at the site, as well as descendants (people who trace their descent from the people who once lived at or near the site in question).
To see community archaeology in action, let’s take a look at Ozette, a late prehistoric/early whaling village at Neah Bay in Washington State (Marshall 2002: 212-213). A mudslide in 1970 exposed substantial house timbers among other organic artifacts (which you may or may not know is absolutely incredible considering organic artifacts typically decompose). This prompted the Makah Tribal Council to contact an archaeologist, and together they set in motion a huge excavation program from 1970 through 1981. The Makah community provided direction throughout the whole project and opened the site to visitors; up to 60,000 people visited each year. Excavated materials were stored and displayed by the Makah community at the newly created Makah Cultural Research Center and a host of publications concerning the site were published. The close collaboration between the archaeologists and Makah residents, the control maintained by Makah people over the project, the retention of the excavated materials by the Makah community for the purposes of preservation, storage, and display, as well as the extensive publications about the site “are very much the goals of community archaeology” (Marshall 2002: 213).
Why Is Public Outreach Important?
The fact is, archaeological sites around the world are in danger. This is important because cultural patrimony (the ongoing cultural importance of an artifact) and heritage tell us who we are and where we come from, which consequently affects our world views and how we act, thus impacting both our present and future.
With a decrease in natural resources, scientists are increasingly looking towards the ocean for the mining of precious and non-precious metals, aggregates extraction, marine engineering, and the production of marine-zone nonrenewable energy, all putting underwater archaeological sites at risk of destruction (Flatman 2009). On the coasts, archaeological sites are threatened by rising sea levels and increasingly powerful storms caused by global warming, among other anthropogenic transformations such as development, mining, and dredging (Fitzpatrick and Braje 2019). War zones see particularly copious amounts of destruction to cultural heritage, either through the creation of defense mechanisms such as trenches, through bombing, or through the intentional destruction of cultural items in an attempt to wipe away one’s nascent culture. Two of the most prominent examples are the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Approximately 2500 objects and sculptures were destroyed, defaced, or stolen from the National Museum of Afghanistan between the years of 1996 and 2001. In Iraq, military bases were established at Babylon and near Ur of the Chaldees, leading to the damage of the archaeological record by way of trench digging, imported gravel, and fuel spills. There was also rampant looting in Iraq (Cunliffe and Curtis 2011).
While it doesn’t get much popular press, national and international cultural sites also face threats due to political decisions. President Trump, recognizing the importance of cultural sites, threatened to bomb 52 Iranian cultural sites “VERY FAST AND VERY HARD” as retribution for 52 American hostages that were taken years prior (Jacobson 2020). In 2017, Trump repealed massive amounts of land in Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears National Monuments that had previously been protected by the Antiquities Act (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This action puts at risk 100,000 archaeological and cultural sites in Bears Ears National Monument alone, including Cedar Mesa which has one of the highest densities of cultural sites in America at several hundred sites per square mile, all to make way for coal mining, irresponsible and damaging motorized recreation, uranium mining, and oil and gas leasing (Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance). This is devastating for the local Native American tribes—including the Hopi tribe, Navajo Nation, Pueblo of Zuni, Ute Indian Tribe, and Ute Mountain Ute tribe—whose ancestral material culture, that provides grounding and pride in their ancestors, is deemed “not unique” or “not of significant scientific or historic interest” and thus disposable by the president (Biber et al 2017). On October 8. 2021, President Biden restored the original boundaries for Bears Ears and interagency planning with tribal input is underway to manage and protect that important landscape.
Unfortunately, there are many more threats and sites at risk than here mentioned.
The loss of archaeological sites can cause irreparable damage to communities around the world and thus needs to be stopped. Without archaeological sites, oppressed peoples can be disenfranchised of their history and culture; history can be rewritten by the victor with no one the wiser; and we may never know the truth of where we come from, which could negatively impact the way we think about ourselves (i.e., we may feel we were predestined to live this way, when what evolutionary archaeology shows us so far is that there is no one way to be human). There are many other reasons why archaeology—or the loss thereof—can damage communities. To exemplify the importance of archaeology generally and thus the need for public outreach, I will provide some instances in which (the public communication of) archaeology can widely impact different communities. I discuss how learning from our past, telling stories, and correcting harmful narratives all contribute to the communities where archaeologists conduct their work.
Learn from Our Past
We can learn a surprising amount about humans’ past actions that can help inform how we behave today. In particular, we can look to the past to determine how to create a sustainable future. Between 1987 and 1995 archaeologists of the Garbage Project at the University of Arizona systematically excavated fifteen landfills across North America, in which they found that dating as far back as the 1950s, paper occupied the most landfill space because it was biodegrading very slowly, contrary to what people had once believed (Rathje 2008: 37). Shortly after the excavation reports came out, governments and individual communities began pushing for the curbside recycling that we have come to know and love (Rathje 2008: 37), and now we have any number of recycled paper products at our disposal.
In August 2020, NPR posted an article entitled, “To Manage Wildfire, California Looks to What Tribes Have Known All Along” (Sommer 2020). This article explains how the banning of local Native Americans’ controlled burning practices has led to increased vegetation, which dries out every summer and acts as the kindling for the state’s notorious fires. The state government has recently come to trust in the oral histories of the local tribes and the archaeological record, which argue that the controlled burning of the past had actually been a successful mode of wildfire risk management. According to archaeological finds, controlled burning has been occurring over a vast amount of time and space (Bowman 1998; Heckenberger et al. 2007; Mason 2000). The extent of this evidence provides us with a feasible path forward as we try to reconcile the damage we have since caused through global warming.
Share Untold Stories
Archaeology has a long history of focusing on the stories of rich, able-bodied white men in their prime. This means that the long and equally important histories of ethnic, gendered, and aged minorities are being left out of the stories we tell about the past. This is problematic, because the exclusion of one’s past can lead to subjugation by a dominant group, who often touts their successful past. However, archaeology can also be useful at challenging these problematic assumptions.
Let’s think about the Man the Hunter model of human evolution—you probably envision men running toward a mammoth with their spears held high, ready for another successful kill, but what do you know about women in the Paleolithic? Probably not much. You probably imagine that women just stayed home with their babies and hoped a cave lion wouldn’t come kill them while their big and strong husbands were off catching dinner. Note that I say imagine, because women’s roles are often entirely left out of the story.
Instead, the first anatomically modern humans are often spoken about in the context of their subsistence activities, which are all attributed to men’s behaviors; thus men are the only actors we really hear about in the Paleolithic. Do you know how we can tell it was men who did all of those activities? Well, we actually can’t tell that at all. In the advent of Paleolithic research, archaeologists of the time were just copy-and-pasting our modern-day gender roles to the past. As of yet there is little theory to actually determine the extent of the gender roles in the deep past (Conkey and Spector 1984).
However, recent research suggests that women were actively hunting, at least in Peru 9,000 years ago (Wei-Haas 2020). Archaeologists came across a burial in the Andes mountains in which the skeletal remains were accompanied by an extensive kit of 24 tools for big game hunting. The archaeologists at the time assumed that the remains were those of an important male hunter. However, upon further analysis, the remains were shown to be biologically female. This spurred the reevaluation of a number of similar burials throughout the Americas and it turns out that between 30% and 50% of the big game hunters—as interpreted by grave goods—were biologically female. By ignoring women’s roles in the past, we risk perpetuating an imagining of men as the drivers of human evolution and success and women as only good for their birthing capabilities. Sharing the stories of this oft-forgotten sect of society could do much to waylay some of the poor excuses people make today in regards to sexism and gender roles.
Dr. Diane Wallman of the University of South Florida has worked on a public archaeology project at the Gamble Plantation Historic Site. Originally established as a sugar plantation by Robert H. Gamble in the mid-19th century, the property was later inhabited by the Confederate Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, and later an attorney. Although there is clear reverence for the confederate officer, as shown by the large memorial erected in his name, Dr. Wallman is actually interested in exploring the lives of the enslaved laborers who lived and worked on this plantation, and whose stories have not been given the recognition or reverence they deserve. To share these stories, Dr. Wallman has given public lectures (e.g., AIA Event Listings 2019) and provided her expertise as a guest on podcasts (e.g., Anthro Alert 2017). Additionally, the excavations are exclusively during archaeological field schools, and the site is open to the public to participate in the dig. One of Dr. Wallman’s Master's students in 2019 collected information from archives, remote sensing, and archaeological investigation to understand the lives of enslaved peoples on this plantation with the goal of engaging descendant communities in particular in future archaeological research on the site (Litteral 2019).
In this sense, the portrayal of stories often left untold can help generate pride in one’s people. If your peoples’ life stories are continually being ignored and at times discredited, then archaeology that gives those underrepresented groups a tangible connection with their ancestors can go a long way toward building pride in one’s community. Getting that message outside of the descendant community can go even further in making others recognize and value the importance of the minority heritage as well.
Correct Harmful Narratives
Archaeology has unfortunately perpetuated many negative narratives on its own. However, the public also communicates harmful narratives of our pasts. Harmful narratives refer to stories that are told and are argued to be based on science, typically about a minority and how/why they are subjugated or why people act a certain way. Luckily, new archaeological research or the reevaluation of current archaeological research, can work to correct these harmful narratives. Getting these corrected stories out to the public can then begin to make real change in the way people conceptualize themselves and their place in the world.
Based on my research, people have gathered from popular media and their own life experiences that violence is an inherent human trait. Furthermore, violence is seen as the driving factor of our species’ evolution: if it hadn’t been for our penchant for violence we would not have been able to compete with other groups or animals, nor would we have been able to outlive the Neanderthals. Despite the fact that most people now have 1% to 4% Neanderthal DNA (Green et al. 2010), which means there had to be a relatively high amount of Neanderthal/anatomically Modern Human sexual relations that far back, all of my interview participants were extremely confident in stating that we humans would have met Neanderthals with nothing but violence. The inherent and long-lasting evolutionary trait of violence provides justification for wars and senseless acts. However, there is very little evidence of violence in the deep past, which means people are making assumptions about the deep past based on their lived experience and the research on the topic is not being adequately shared with the public.
Another example includes the multitude of pseudoarchaeological claims that now exist, namely shows such as Ancient Aliens and In Search of Aliens. These shows primarily explain why it was in no way possible for Indigenous communities to have built such incredible structures so far back in time, and conclude that these structures and the cultures surrounding them must have been created by aliens. Whether or not it is the hosts’ intent, these messages work to portray indigenous communities as technologically and socially inferior. Public outreach on how incredible these Indigenous communities really are by means of the archaeological evidence we have for their agency—as opposed to alien interference—could go a long way to prove that not only aliens and white Europeans have intelligence and civilization.
Improve Quality of Archaeological Research
In order to even begin conducting research, archaeologists need to get funding. In my experience, archaeology departments are often bereft of their own internal funding, meaning individual researchers need to look elsewhere. If the funding sources and the public are unfamiliar with your field or your work, they are unlikely to deem it important enough to give funds to when there are more pressing projects with more evident real-world impacts. It is necessary to write funding requests in such a way that the reader can understand your project, because they won’t necessarily have an archaeological background. That being said, it’s all about knowing how to write for a particular audience. In addition to grants, funding or volunteer labor may come from community organizations, so it is important to reach out to local communities and get them excited about your project as well. In addition to funding, strong community relations can provide one’s project with input on how the project should be carried out or what research questions may be important to explore. Community relations are especially important for projects occurring on the land of the descendant community for this reason.
Archaeologists are by nature specialized—you have lithics specialists, pottery specialists, biological archaeologists, zooarchaeologists, etc. We are a field that inherently has to draw on numerous other specialists and fields to get a full picture of what a site is telling us. For example, we draw on the expertise of chemists, geologists, geneticists, geographers, and botanists, among many others (Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019). By communicating with an audience wider than those who read archaeological journals or attend archaeological conferences, we begin to build teams of varied researchers who can all learn and benefit from each other.
I have showed how public outreach isn’t only important for educating the public, but also for how it improves the quality of the archaeological research itself, by making it easier to get funding and collaborate with people from other disciplines. The following sections describe the methods used by archaeologists to reach the public.
Methods of Public Outreach
In today’s world, there are an infinite number of ways archaeologists can engage with the public. These methods can be divided into three different categories: traditional media (print, audio, and visual forms), online digital content, and interpersonal or interactive learning experiences (Erdman 2019). While the options for communication may be endless, it’s important to keep in mind what kind of demographic you’re attempting to reach when you’re choosing which method of communication is best suited to your project. Furthermore, each of these broad categories of communication have different levels of accuracy, access, and effectiveness that need to be taken into account when planning your public outreach. In this section, I will explain some of the particular communicative avenues one could take within each broad communication method, as well as provide some considerations, limitations, and benefits.
Traditional Media
Print media, including books, newspapers, and magazines, have historically been the primary means of scientific communication (Harding 2007: 120) and are often viewed as the most credible forms of scientific communication because of the rigorous editing and peer-review process that they often go through (Erdman 2019: 5). Indeed, my own ethnographic research on this topic has shown that my survey participants considered books to be their most valued source of scientific information (Hendrick 2021). However, our understanding of the past is continually changing, thus outdating these supposedly accurate sources (Erdman 2019: 5). More and more researchers’ work is being digitized or published in online journals. At this time, many of the journals are kept behind steep paywalls, making the likelihood of a merely curious lay-person reading it less realistic—who wants to pay to wade through jargon that they might not even understand? There seems to be an uptick in researchers who are interested in widely disseminating their research and there are now websites such as Academia.edu and ResearchGate that make journal articles much more accessible (Erdman 2019); however, there is still the issue of archaeological jargon.
Each form of print publication serves a different level of insight. For example, “A short newspaper article offers highlights; a magazine…offers a more contextualized account of a site, artifact, or culture; and a book or professional journal may address a specific topic more in-depth” (Erdman 2019: 6). The benefit of this is that there is a means of print communication that will fit everyone’s pace and depth of interest and they will likely provide additional resources for the especially curious reader to pursue if they so desire.
Examples of archaeology in print media
- Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology by Kenneth Feder
- Sapiens by Yuval Noah Harari (This is a good example of how popular books with archaeology can be, but it is poor science)
- Paleofantasy: What Evolution Really Tells Us About Sex, Diet, and How We Live by Marlene Zuk
Television has been argued to represent a depiction of “the truth” and thus works to mold people’s perceptions of the world (Pagán 2015: 16), making it an effective format for educational purposes. Part of the audio/visual success in regards to perception molding is because seeing is believing: visual representations offer a physical point of reference for the audience, which makes it easier to understand and connect with the material rather than having to parse through abstract written word (Erdman 2019: 7). Indeed, it’s been shown that audio-visual materials (such as film/television clips and song or speech clips) are effective learning devices and that students are increasingly becoming visual learners (Hoover 2006).
Television shows get much higher viewership than do print materials, so educational television shows would reach a far larger audience than any one book may (Pagán 2015). With an abundance of streaming services online—such as Hulu, Netflix, and Amazon Prime—television is more widely accessible than ever before (so long as you have Internet access and another $10 or so to spend each month). The downside to this is that there are many other shows available as well, which means someone would likely have to be actively seeking out educational television to happen upon an archaeology program.
Audio and visual media—such as radio, podcasts, film, and television—have a varying level of accuracy, and one is equally likely to encounter an educational show as they are a fantastical, sensationalized account that only uses archeology as a starting point for their fantasy (Erdman 2019:6). Although television used to be a popular location for widespread science communication, television producers today consider lecture series and more educational television to be too dry for their audiences (Harding 2007: 120). Among archaeologists, the typical treatments of archaeological finds and sites are arguably dry and unexciting, which leads news editors and television producers to insist on packaging the hard archaeological facts in sensationalism, catchy headlines, and “halo[s] of soft focus images [and] music” (Harding 2007: 124). However, this type of sensationalism can result in misunderstandings, misrepresentations of the data, or contribute to common tropes, as the stories that get picked up by these mediums tend to revolve around “sexy” topics like sex and drugs. This is not to say that good educational television does not exist; indeed, shows like PBS’ NOVA typically feature engaging stories on recent archaeological discoveries, yet people tend to be more familiar with Ancient Aliens than NOVA. This makes the explosion of archaeological podcasts by archaeologists that much more important; archaeologists are turning dry and unexciting information into funny and/or thought-provoking conversations that cater to both novices and professionals alike. Although these podcasts face the same caveat as television shows, in that one likely has to seek out this kind of educational topic, it is encouraging to see archaeologists in all stages of their careers utilizing this increasingly popular medium.
Examples of podcasts
- ArchaeoEd (Archaeologist Dr. Ed Barnhart talks about ancient civilizations in the Americas)
- The Dirt (method, theory, and thematic episodes with humor; appropriate for non-archaeologists and archaeologists alike)
- Ologies (this covers all sorts of science, but there are a number of archaeological/anthropological related episodes; the premise is “asking smart people stupid questions,” so no previous knowledge needed here)
Hard Archaeological Fiction
The primary setbacks of traditional media revolve around the difficult language and dry presentation. For this reason, I (Hendrick 2016, 2021) and many other scholars (e.g., Terrell 1990; Spector 1991, 1993; Fagan 2010; Holtorf 2010; Mickel 2012; ) have argued for an increase in “hard” archaeological fiction (Messenger 2019), which is fiction based on archaeological data. With over 45 million copies sold worldwide by 2010 (Auel 2010), perhaps one of the most popular examples of hard archaeological fiction is Jean Auel’s account of human life in the Paleolithic: The Earth’s Children series, the first novel of which is Clan of the Cave Bear. Auel did an incredible amount of research on life in the Paleolithic and based two of her main characters, Iza and Creb, on Neanderthal remains found in the archaeological cave site known as Shanidar (Auel 2010). While Auel may have overstepped her creative boundaries in terms of gender relations, which have resulted in negative stereotypes (see Hendrick 2021), she imagined what no other scholar was willing to consider at the time: that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans procreated. Eventually it came to light that yes, the two groups of Homo sapiens had indeed mated. Auel’s creative imagination was able to conjure up images of the past which we had not yet begun to think of, a skill that is especially important for archaeologists to hone if they are to accurately portray the past. By that I mean, we actually have very little idea about what exactly the past—especially that long ago—looked like in terms of social organization, but we can be sure that it wasn’t necessarily a mirror image of our own society. Thus, we must use our imaginations to envision worlds that are vastly different from our own.
In essence, fiction is a method of escaping our biases. According to Wiley (1981) as cited by Conkey and Spector (1984:21), it is not the fragmentary and often “invisible” nature of archaeological data that hinders our knowledge of the past, but rather our epistemologies. Therefore, the use of imagination or fiction is not only a valuable methodological skill for archaeologists to practice, but it is a much more interesting and accessible format of archaeological data dissemination than traditional archaeological writing. Additionally, fiction communicates to the reader that archaeological interpretations are fluid, by which I mean they change based on emerging discoveries, theories, and interpretations, which subsequently changes the story. One of the main difficulties in disseminating scientific knowledge is that public broadcasts typically ignore the fact that science is wrapped up in “ifs” and “buts,” either imparting a misrepresentation of the research by making the data sound definitive and/or leaving the public to mistrust scientists when their findings end up changing down the road (Harding 2007). The presence of diverse hard archaeological fiction will emulate the varying archaeological interpretations and “ifs” and “buts” that permeate archaeological literature. Hard archaeological fiction also works to promote cross-cultural empathy and an appreciation for the work archaeologists do (Messenger 2019).
Examples of hard evolutionary fiction (different stories = different archaeological interpretations)
- Clan of the Cave Bear by Jean Auel
- Reindeer Moon by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas
- The Inheritors by William Golding
- Dance of the Tiger by Björn Kurtén
Online Digital Content
Digital content refers to content designed specifically for the Internet. However, it uses elements of traditional media, and thus has the same benefits/drawbacks. One of the biggest benefits of online digital content in particular is that it “bring[s] the world of higher education to people who could not otherwise access it” (Harding 2007: 121). This does not only include the level of information one can find on the Internet, but also the fact that you can learn about people and places all over the world as opposed to the local contexts that one is often taught in school and in museums. Even better, it’s up-to-date research and ideas, because the information in the digital content can easily be fixed or asked and answered immediately in online forums and webinars (Erdman 2019). This opens up a lot more opportunity for direct engagement with a larger audience.
Social media is an excellent tool to educate people by sharing the process of a research project in real time as well as to spread the word about upcoming in-person outreach events or exciting sites to visit. Twitter provides much public engagement with the topic of archaeology because hashtags make it easy to follow a general topic and it’s widely used to get up-to-date news by following a variety of users (Huvila 2013). Facebook is more oriented towards a social group, so you have to be friends with someone to get updates on what they post, and archaeological-related posts are only featured on someone’s newsfeed if they’re a part of one of those groups or pages or are friends with someone who is (Huvila 2013). This means engagement with archaeology on Facebook is relatively limited.
Two major problems of digital content are the unlimited resources and access to the Internet. With so many different blogs, websites, articles, and social media platforms, you have to actively search for information on a particular subject and then put the effort into doing a credibility check. Additionally, there are still many who cannot access digital content due to the lack of a computer or reliable Internet, a problem that many schools and families had to cope with when schools went online during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Examples of online digital content
- Sapiens- online anthropology magazine
- Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian National Museum of History- everything from human evolution basics to lesson plans
- Bones, Stones, and Books – blog by Stefanie Halmhofer on the reality of practicing archaeology, advice for students, and pseudoarchaeology
Interpersonal/Interactive Learning
One of the best ways to engage the public in archaeological discourse is via community involvement, because it provides a tangible link to the past (Erdman 2019) and a place in the knowledge production process; the subsequent claim of ownership over that knowledge can arouse further interest in the topic as well as foster a reverence for historical preservation (Harding 2007). It also makes the field more “real;” most people don’t know what archaeology is, much less know an archaeologist. By getting to physically engage with an archaeologist, the field becomes legitimized because it can coincide with personal experience. In essence, community involvement is any kind of direct interaction with non-specialists, such as through community archaeology projects, museum and outreach programs, public lectures, and getting involved with a school (Erdman 2019). An example of interactive learning was the Passport in Time program, in which the US Forest Service enlists the help of non-specialist volunteers to do a number of cultural heritage management activities at sites on public land across the country, including survey and excavation, restoration, archival research, oral history gathering, and more (Clearinghouse). Professional archaeologists, historians, and preservationists act as the volunteers’ hosts, guides, and coworkers during the experience. This form of active learning ensures that accurate and contemporary information is being shared. Unfortunately, it was discontinued in 2024 after a 20 year run.
Many interpersonal/interactive learning opportunities involve being somewhere in-person, which means they’re primarily in local contexts. That is to say, not everywhere has an archaeologist, museum, or university to conduct these programs, and traveling to attend them in other towns or cities isn’t accessible to everyone (Erdman 2019). So while these programs have an amazing impact on those lucky enough to participate, your information reaches a limited number of people.
The Bottom Line
No matter the format, you need to create a story. People are more engaged in archaeological information if it is easy to follow and is relatable. Making the information relatable is by far the biggest tip I can give you. People do better when human case studies are used (Pobiner 2021), which means you need to bring the human into any discussion of material culture. This can be accomplished in a hard-archaeological vignette (Spector 1991) or by bringing the human of archaeology to the forefront of the science by making the archaeologist the main character—take non-specialists on the discovery and interpretation process with you. Each method—traditional media, online digital content, and interpersonal/interactive learning—has its pros and cons and each needs to be tailored to a particular audience, however the benefits of using a story format to engage non-specialists is a skill that benefits each of these approaches.
Creating an Outreach Project
Ask yourself the following questions to figure out where you should even begin with an outreach project. Once you decide whether you want to write a book, star in a television show, start a Twitter account, or invite the local third graders to come dig at your archaeological site, take the creative reins and figure out what exactly that book will say, show will look like, or lessons will be taught.
What's the Goal?
Refer back to the reasons why we do (public) archaeology in the first place and find the one that identifies best with your site. Your site includes not only the physical place, but what the data tells you (does it contradict a long-held belief? Does it tell us something about sustainability?) and what the descendant community wants (do they want this knowledge shared widely or do they want it within the community?). You also need to consider how many people you want to reach with your project.
What Are My Strengths?
Are you a computer geek? Start a website or build a videogame! Are you good at creative writing? Write hard archaeological fiction! Are you good at public speaking? Do a lecture series! Whatever it is you’re good at, incorporate it into your project. That’s not to say that you can’t learn how to use a new technology or gain a new skill, it just depends on your willingness to learn those things and what your timeline looks like.
Who Do I Know?
For interpersonal/interactive learning, you’ll likely have to team up with another organization, however it’s much easier to get a project off the ground if you reach out to an individual rather than the organization as a whole (White 2019; Yezzi-Woodley et al 2019; Reetz, Haury-Artz, and Gorsch 2019). For example, ask a teacher if they want to participate in an archaeology-related activity rather than the principal because most teachers don’t have a background in archaeology and may feel too overwhelmed or have too little free time to learn enough to be confident in teaching it. It’s essential to find someone who’s as jazzed about this fun learning experience as you are.
Who Is Your Audience?
This first affects your language. Never involve jargon, unless explained properly and in an easy-to-understand manner. You also want to make sure to keep your language age-appropriate. Check out the Gunning Fog Index for more information on how to check the readability of your work (this means how many years of education someone would need to know what you’re saying). The size of your audience will also affect your outreach project, as explained above.
What if I Want to Learn, Not Create?
Maybe communicating archaeology isn’t your jam; maybe you’re interested in learning about it, but don’t like it enough to make it your job to teach others. That’s okay! Knowing about the various formats of public communication and their associated pros and cons will help you find what method is most engaging for you as well as what drawbacks to your understanding they may have. Before you explore some of the examples of successful archaeological public outreach listed above for a more engaging and creative means of learning about the past, I encourage you to think about where you have previously heard about archaeology: news articles, television, movies, podcasts? Did they use definitive language, sexy titles, or simply confirm your biases? How much evidence did they provide for each claim? In essence, I’m asking you to assess the validity of what you’ve experienced about archaeology in the public sphere. Whereas the bulk of this chapter is focused on how to get archaeological information out into the world, it’s equally important to know how to evaluate information that’s already out there.
In Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology, Feder (2011: xviii-xix) provides a “Quick Start Guide” to assessing the validity of a claim:
- Where is the claim presented? A peer-reviewed journal, a science-based magazine, an anonymous website or a chat group? The objectivity of a claim varies based on where it’s presented, so finding a proper source is important.
- Who is making the claim? A trained archaeologist, a trained scientist in a different field, a news broadcaster? Each of these people will have different levels of understanding of the material and may or may not relay the information properly.
- How does this person making the claim know and/or what evidence is presented? Most importantly, is the scientific method followed? The important takeaway here is that the claim must be based on observation and tested, not based on intuition or anything equally as intangible.
- Are other experts consulted and if so, how do they evaluate the claim? If most other scientists in the field are skeptical, or no other scientific support is given, it probably isn’t a strong claim.
- Is enough information given for you to make an informed decision on the claim’s legitimacy, or are you left with questions?
These questions will help you evaluate all sources and claims, not just archaeological ones. At the same time, they’re great guiding questions for how to craft your own valid arguments in whatever field you pursue.
Case Study
Up to this point, I’ve explained what public outreach and archaeology are, why they’re important, all the different ways you can go about it, and how to figure out which method is best. The following case study will show you how, in a real-life context, you might go about creating a public outreach project by breaking it down by these various elements. I’ll take you through the guiding questions to show how I arrived at my project idea, but you’ll notice that I had to ask myself a lot of additional questions as well. Each archaeological site is different, so outside of the four I’ve given you here you’ll have to listen to what the site and its participants are telling you they need.
Context/Goal
During a land development project in Duncan, BC, an archaeological site now known as Ye’yumnuts was discovered. Ye’yumnuts is a habitation site that was populated by the ancestors of the Cowichan tribe over three separate occupation periods. At the time of excavation, a multitude of amazing artifacts and features were found, including a jade adze sourced from hundreds of kilometers away in the Fraser Canyon, the imprint of a structure, and a pile of fire cracked rocks 10cm deep and 5m wide.
It took two decades of legal battles to protect this ancestral site, and now that it once again belongs to the Cowichan, they wanted to share the site as a source of inspiration for their youth and education for the broader community of Duncan. In particular, the Cowichan tribe wanted school curriculum developed about the site so that local schools could study local ancient history as opposed to that of far away, out of context places, like Egypt. A key element of this goal involved getting children excited in the archaeological findings, thus stimulating an appreciation for their peoples’ deep history. Whatever project that I created would be featured on the website Commemorating Ye’yumnuts.
At this point, I can answer a few guiding questions:
- What is my goal? Inspire Cowichan youth, educate the broader community of Duncan, BC, and get people excited about archaeology
- Whom do I know? Cowichan tribal members, administrators of a local school district, my professor who had been involved in the archaeology of the site
- Who is my audience? Settler and Cowichan community members of all ages, with special attention to students.
- What has already been done/what topics have already been covered? After taking a look at the site’s website, I saw that there were activities on artifacts, the history of the site since the beginning of time, legal battles, media analysis of news coverage, etc.
Because my passion in life is making archaeology fun, I decided to focus in on this particular goal to start my brainstorming. One of the gaps I found in the topics for which curricular material was already available was in the features; no one had talked about any of the features on the site yet, which was incredible because there were so many and they pose a lot of questions in terms of site functionality. The problem with this site and getting people excited about the archaeology of it, especially the features, is that you can no longer see the archaeology on the land. Once excavations were completed, the site was filled in. Now, it is a grassy area surrounded by a protective fence with interpretive signage looping around the site. So how do you get people excited about something abstract, something they can’t even see? The issue of invisibility told me I had to do something visual regarding the site’s features; I had to bring the site alive for my audience.
- What are my strengths? Unfortunately, nothing visual—my main strengths lie in my creative writing. However, I’m a quick learner and was determined to produce something unique and exciting for my student viewers. So, I decided to create a pre-fieldtrip tool to introduce students to the site and sat down at my laptop to start learning how to use Google Tour Creator.
It was time to make a virtual reality tour.
Knowledge Production
This outreach project was being done in collaboration with a local Indigenous group, so it was obvious I would be including their knowledge and interpretations of these archaeological features in my VR tour. There is much research circulating about the benefits of a landed methodology, which just means actually being in the land when you’re doing your work instead of being an armchair anthropologist because it provides you with a deeper, more embodied understanding. For example, at one of our visits to Ye’yumnuts our professor brought some of the artifacts back to the site and as I stood there holding the jade adze in my hand I was overwhelmed by how connected I felt to the site and to these past peoples to the extent that I began to tear up. Needless to say, this enhanced my drive to produce a quality outreach tool to get people as emotionally invested as I.
I decided to use Severin Fowles’ (2010) “comparative or cross-cultural phenomenological methodology” of collaboration in which the anthropologist walks the land with indigenous community members. The Cowichan elder I was working with, Luschiim, was unable to physically walk the land with me, so in lieu of the physical experience I showed him photos of the archaeological features and recorded his interpretations and related stories. However, I was able to walk the site with the lead archaeologist, Eric McLay, who provided rich archaeological data for me.
Google Tour Creator allows you to include one minute of audio, one photo, and up to 300 characters of text for each point of interest (in this case, each archaeological feature). While the photos were either photos of the archaeological feature itself or an archaeological reconstruction of what it may have looked like in use, I used the audio and text to blend the local conceptions of history with the archaeological evidence I gathered from my interviews. When possible I included commentary from both Luschiim and Eric in the same audio clip. When there was just too much good information from them both to fit it into one measly minute I tended to privilege audio clips of Luschiim and included the archaeological data in the text portion. I made this decision because I was conducting this project on behalf of the Cowichan tribe and this was their story to tell. Because the amount of information you can include in the VR tour is so limited, I also made an associated informational booklet for schoolteachers so they would have more background information to inform their lessons or answer the questions of curious students.
Benefits of VR
I just want to take a moment to really home in on what a powerful tool VR can be. As I’ve already mentioned, it’s perfect for making the invisible visible—in this case the hidden archaeological features. It also mimics place-based learning, since the whole concept is about making you feel like you’re somewhere you’re not. This makes it a great tool for students to get familiar with the site before arriving, it makes the site accessible to everyone everywhere, and it fosters a deeper emotional connection with the site. It’s also accessible in terms of cost; all you need is a smartphone and a cardboard VR viewer. The cardboard VR viewers from Google cost less than $10, which makes it a feasible classroom activity. Finally, VR is incredibly interactive, making it an engaging and effective method of learning.Note: This chapter was adapted from a beta version of Traces.
Jenna Hendrick received her B.A. in Anthropology and English from SUNY Binghamton and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Victoria. Currently, Jenna is both the producer of The Dirt—a podcast about archaeology, anthropology, and our shared human past—and the assistant archaeologist for Curtin Archaeological Consulting. Before working in CRM, Jenna excavated at Peyre Blanque, a Magdalenian open-air site in France, as well as dabbled in archaeological conservation. Her research interests include human evolution/human life in the Paleolithic, peoples' perceptions of the deep past/their “nature,” and communicating archaeology.
Part of this chapter is from Traces by Whatcom Community College and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
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