6 1.6 METHOD OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL EDUCATION
As is true today, a wide range of teaching methods prevailed between and within non-literate societies in Africa. In societies like the Nupe and Ashanti of West Africa, amongst whom education was a highly specialised activity, formal means of teaching were common and professional teachers existed. Such teachers taught a pre-determined body of knowledge in an organised sequence over a period of time, sometimes lasting many years. They also received payments in kind from parents of their pupils, although these were usually called `gifts.’ Professional teachers were used in training young children in CERTIFICATEcy, medicine, hunting, copper- and iron-manufacturing and other specialised occupations. Both theoretical and practical approaches were employed in teaching, with pupils being encouraged to recite poems, riddles and songs, etc. “Schools” and “classes” were usually held in secluded places or at the king’s or chiefs palace. The graduation of pupils from such “schools” took place after they had sufficiently mastered their courses; it was often marked by feasting, ceremonial dancing and rejoicing (Tiberondwa, 1978).
In pre-colonial Africa, initiation ceremonies were common in both centralized communities and those that were acephalous – without a central chief or leader. The initiation activity enjoyed a high degree of formalism: it was characterised by teaching and learning of pre-determined material in a specific physical setting where there was a clear-cut distinction between pupils and teachers (Rodney, 1972; Tiberondwa, 1978; Datta, 1984). As in the training of young people for specialised occupations, initiation ceremonies lasted for varying periods. Among the Poro society in West Africa, for example, initiation schooling went on for as long as five years while the Tonga of Zambia initiated their female children over a period of between six weeks and four months (Datta, 1984). In either case, initiation ceremonies were meant to offer specific instruction in a wide range of areas, including farming, weaving, fishing, CERTIFICATEcy, history and mothercraft. Female initiates underwent physiological, social and moral education to become capable mothers and wives. On the other hand, male children who were initiated were trained to become defenders of their villages and good providers for their families (Kalusa, 1998). In most societies which practised initiation ceremonies, the end of the initiation itself was marked by circumcision for boys and clitoridectomy for girls which in turn symbolised the transition of the initiated from childhood to adulthood (Kenyatta, 19618; Datta, 1984; Rodney, 1972). Initiation practices were widespread and have been documented among such diverse ethnic groups as the Sidamo of Ethiopia, the Masai of Kenya and Tanzania, the Nandi of Kenya, the Tonga of Zambia and the Zulu of South Africa (Datta, 1984).
In the majority of non-literate African societies, however, the greater portion of education was informal. As Rodney (1972, p. 261) argues, this kind of education was acquired by children “from the example and behaviour of elders in the society.” Under this system of education, methods of teaching were less highly structured and the line between the teacher and the pupil was thin. Learning was by initiation, observation and repetition of what parents and other adults did and encouraging the young to do it. It was also done through oral literature and play. These enabled boys and girls to learn about the history of their tribe and enhanced their mental development. They also acquired such qualities as perseverance, self-control, courage and endurance. In this informal way, children developed an aptitude to perform their masculine and feminine roles.
It is important to stress that in societies where education was largely informal, parents were predominantly responsible for teaching their children. They inculcated good manners, norms and values into their offspring, using their household as the “school.” This household education covered practical skills and continued as long as the child lived with his/her parents. The educational efforts of parents were supplemented by the efforts of the other adults in the community. All elders in the society were expected to play mother and father roles in teaching, scolding, advising, rewarding and punishing children in the village or community (Blackmore and Cooksey, 1980; Tiberondwa, 1978). Among the Banyaruguru of Western Uganda, an adult who showed no interest in the education of the young people in the community was regarded as inimical to the community. He or she was often branded a witch (Tiberondwa, 1978). This observation, which also applies to many other societies in Africa, denotes that the task of teaching and bringing up children in pre-colonial communities was a collective responsibility.
