Cuisine is fundamental in placemaking. Since the ingredients, the cooking process, and the act of eating are often determined by the place of dining, dishes that are served create a memorable part of the lived experience. Regions can be united by their foods, memories can be strongly tied to dishes, and cuisine can certainly be commodified. Cuisine permeates society as both a necessary practice in which people must partake to survive, but also a way in which people relate to one another and create a shared culture. It is an abstract concept with many functioning parts from the food itself to the atmosphere in which it is consumed. Food serves as a lens through which scholars can understand place and the experiences of people who have lived in these places.

Southern cuisine is of particular interest to scholars, as the South and her cuisine grapple with and reflect all of the worst and also the best of American history. Southern food has also captured the heart of the nation, and is often regarded as the only true American cuisine (Black 2007). Southern food has the unique position of keeping one foot rooted in the past and the other moving forward (Kelting 2016). This position allows it to both utilize safe nostalgia by marketing a fantasy version of the antebellum South and also move away from its more troubling history by redefining it as being more diverse. This chapter first discusses the impacts of a highly racialized South on food and celebrations, and then focuses on the past, present and future of a food movement which seems to contradict traditional Southern cuisine. Afterwards the chapter outlines the marketing of a historical city and her cuisine through the use of modern technology, and explains the place of one food in defining both Southern cuisine and also culture.

Jordan Chandler’s article “Christmas in the American Antebellum South” explores how the Christmas experience is viewed differently by slave owners and enslaved workers. Master and slave are shown in contrasting views in terms of preparing for Christmas, gathering food for Christmas dinner, and what types of gifts were given. The preparation and celebration of Christmas reiterate the class divides that were characteristic of the Antebellum South. In the eyes of the white community, Christmas is seen in a joyous and carefree light, whereas the African American community views Christmas as additional work with little time for celebration. Overall, the Christmas season, similarly to every other season in the plantation South, ultimately shows an extensive power dynamic between the roles of master and slave.

Nicholas Adams’ research article “Veganism and Southern Food: A Timely Reunion” traces the plant-based origins of traditional southern foodways back to West Africa and follows its progress into the modern era. Veganism and the modern conception of southern food are seemingly opposites, due in part by America’s newly industrialized food system and the rampant fast food franchising of the 1960s and 70s. Careful analysis demonstrates that the fundamentals of both cultural spheres can be satisfied and even complementary. The recent increase in prevalence of vegan soul food eateries in the South and America as a whole has demonstrated this very point. At a greatly mitigated impact to one’s personal health and the world’s ecological health, veganism’s relevance cannot be understated (Barnard 2014, Poore 2018). Veganism’s ability to deliver a satisfying and soulful meal that is true to the South’s gastronomic roots provides a legitimate alternative to the U.S. meat-based culture and a path to a more healthful and environmentally sustainable future.

Darby Libka’s article “#nolaeats: How New Orleans’ French Quarter Markets Creole Cuisine” explores how restaurants use various marketing techniques on social media to attract customers. Instagram has provided a strong platform on which restaurants can share images of the aspects of their businesses that provide the French Quarter experience that visitors are seeking. They balance this desire to be a part of the city, while also separating themselves from other establishments, by advertising the elements of their dining experience that are characteristically “New Orleans” such as balcony seating and Mardi Gras. Through the analysis of Instagram posts, trends emerge that highlight specific elements of the dining experience including: food, price, and atmosphere which Lewis (1981) identifies as the most commonly promoted restaurant elements.

Sarah Giuseppe’s article “This Little Piggy went to Market and Found a Home: The Place of Pork Barbecue in the American South,” explores the role of pork barbecue in shaping Southern and regional identities. Pork holds a special place in Southern culture, both as food and product, positioning it as a Southern symbol and making it integral to Southern identity, which has allowed it to rise to an almost mythical status (Lovegreen 2003). Barbecue, often regarded as one of the first cultural food exchanges in the South, has remained a constant on Southern tables since the South’s conception. Barbecue as a cooking method is easy to define, but barbecue as a food does not have one universal definition allowing for the emergence of numerous regional variations. While there are four main barbecue regions, many smaller areas have adapted these base recipes to create their own variations of barbecue. These variations in barbecue help to shape and define the identity of their birthplace as being both unique from but also a part of a broader Southern culture.

Works Cited

Black, Jane. 2007. “The Geography of Flavor, ” The Washington Post

Kelting, Lily. 2016. “The Entanglement of Nostalgia and Utopia in Contemporary Southern Food Cookbooks.” Food, Culture & Society

Lewis, Robert. 1981. “Restaurant Advertising: Appeals and Consumers’ Intentions.” Journal of   Advertising Research 21, no. 5: 69-74.

Lovegren, Sylvia. 2003. “BARBECUE.” American Heritage 54 (3): 36. http://ezproxy.umw.edu:2048/login?url=http://search.ebscohst.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ahl&AN=9896801&site=ehost-live.

Barnard, Neal., Levin, Susan, and Trap, Caroline. “Meat Consumption as a Risk Factor for Type 2 Diabetes.” February 06, 2014. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3942738/

Poore, J., Nemecek, T. “New Estimates of the Environmental Cost of Food.” University of Oxford. June 1, 2018. http://www.ox.ac.uk/news/2018-06-01-new-estimates-environmental-cost-food#.

Christmas in the American Antebellum South

By Jordan Chandler

Christmas was a time of year where life on southern plantations became centered around family and holiday meals. Christmas in the American South, in an era when slavery was legal, is very different from the modern holiday season. With the work shifting from outside of the home to inside, there became a more distinct division of class between enslaved blacks and their white masters (Goodheart 2010, McKissack 2002). Although there was a distinct racial divide during the holidays, a tradition of Christmas Gift, which was an exchange of gifts between the mistress of the house and enslaved workers, swapped the typical power dynamic between mistress and enslaved worker (DocSouth Staff 2018, McKissack 2002, Kane 1998, Peterkin 1987). There was a reversal of roles between slave and master; however, most of the literature on Christmas forgoes to mention where these families, both white and black, obtain their food. Enslaved blacks attended to a majority of the preparations for Christmas, which lead to slaves viewing Christmas largely as another aspect of their work in contrast to the grand celebration of Christmas viewed by white slave owners.

As the days to Christmas were counted down, both in the Big House and the Quarters, the atmosphere on the plantation changed. Slaveowners who were extremely harsh during the year seemed to be more informal during Christmas (Bigham 1998, Restad 1995 Christmas in America). Christmas Day was a time for the slaveowner and their family to host and partake in lavish feasts, while some of the enslaved, they were able to rest with days off from household and field labor (Ferris 2014, Bigham 1998). The time off from work for most slaves, if they were lucky enough to receive that luxury, was spent visiting family in the local area. Apart from having the day off, masters and slaves would drink together, and this interaction would not be seen as disgraceful (Restad 1995 Christmas in America). Interaction between these two races allowed for both master and slave to drop their guards and genuinely enjoy the moment which was a difference from the typical master-slave relationship. Christmas Day was full of holiday cheer, but leading up to this celebration, there was a lot of preparation to be done between both races.

There were stark differences in class and race between masters and slaves that are apparent in the literature while describing the preparations for the Christmas holiday. Leading up to the holidays, a common occurrence would be having enslaved workers scrubbing and polishing every inch of the house. Enslaved workers would polish every piece of silver and glass in the house to make them shine in preparation for the master’s guests at meals throughout the holidays. This laborious and tedious task of polishing the sliver was all for the benefit of the white family, leading to no reward for the enslaved workers. Additionally, the wood in the house: floors, furniture, banisters, mantels, would be scrubbed with beeswax allowing them to look their very best. Even the crystals from the tallest chandeliers were dismantled piece by piece to be soaked in vinegar-water to make them shine just a bit brighter (McKissack 2002, Peterkin 1987). All of this cleansing in the master’s home was done allowing the house to be in pristine condition so that as guests of the white family arrived, they could awe in the beauty of the immaculate home. Not only was preparation work being done inside of the master’s home, but additional work was being done by the typical field workers to find a magnificent Christmas tree and a yule log that could burn through the night (Kane 1998). These preparations were the foundation of Christmas for the master’s home. The Christmas tree would be decorated with joyous hearts and the yule log would burn through the night keeping the Big House warm. While all of these tasks seemed less physically demanding in comparison to work that was done in other seasons, they still took several months of vigorous labor to fully complete. Again, the literature focuses on how the preparation of the master’s house is done and forgoes to mention how the enslaved population prepares for Christmas. A note is made that from sunrise until sunset, enslaved workers would be in the Big House, which left minimal time for completing their own needs in terms of Christmas preparation (McKissack 2002). Classed differenced can be seen through the types of tasks that are being done by respective classes and also that even those these preparations were for Christmas that almost none of the tasks that enslaved workers got to be a part of directly correlated with the fun portions of Christmas, such as decorating a Christmas tree.

This time of year, not only reinforced class divide by working in the master’s home, but the type of work that was being completed by the master and his mistress, or the slaves, was of great contrast. While enslaved workers labored away, the mistress of the house worried over smaller tasks such as sending out invitations to family and friends, as well as preparing the menu for the lavish Christmas feast (McKissack 2002, Restad 1995 Christmas in 19th-Centery America). These preparations were delicate tasks that reinforced the hierarchy of the home. In the south, the white family has access to education showing that their class status was more significant. As the mistress would complete tasks such as writing letters to family during the holiday since this task could not be transferred to enslaved workers since they lacked formal education, meaning they could not write. In the home, everyone played an important role in getting ready for Christmas which allowed for a proper southern Christmas to be held in the Big House.

In contrast to the norms between master and slave, on Christmas morning, there was a tradition of the Christmas Gift that momentarily shifted their roles. If slaves were able to surprise the mistress of the house with the phrase “Christmas Gift!,” then she would be obligated to hand over a gift that could be a coin or token if the mistress was prepared in advance (DocSouth Staff 2018, McKissack 2002, Kane 1998, Peterkin 1987). This was a game of winners and losers; whoever said the term “Christmas Gift!” would be able to receive a small gift; however the mistress often times would let the slaves win since whites typically did not accept gifts from them. This interaction signaled equality between the two races and would disrupt the typical social order (TheGrio 2013). This exchange was almost a complete reversal of the typical mistress and slave relationship since the mistress is relinquishing her power during the game. These interactions seemed to be lighthearted and extremely important to the enslaved since they could gain a small token for their efforts. This need to work, or in this case surprise the mistress, is another clear sign that enslaved workers would do almost anything to get a small return that was outside of their typical rations. Additionally, during this time of year, there was less strict oversight from their masters allowing enslaved workers to be considerably happier. Even with all of the games on Christmas Day, the interactions between the two races did not dismiss the fact that these people were still enslaved and doing laborious work in the typical power dynamic (Bigham 1998). Once the morning game of Christmas Gift was over, there was a newfound focus on what delicious holiday meals will be served throughout the day.

Christmas gifts from master to slave were thoughtless due to the master’s obligations to give cloths and small trinkets throughout the entirety of the calendar year. Gifts would be given outside of the traditional Christmas Gift surprises. Annually, the master of the house on Christmas would give gifts not only to their family, but also to those who worked for them. Gifts from master to slave were often times thoughtless and only minimum effort was given. The master and mistress of the house passed out clothing for the entire year, along with items such as: cakes, candies, and trinkets. Continuing to have such significant roles through the contributions of their work, enslaved laborers seemed to have slightly more compensation during this holiday season than at any other time of the year (DocSouth Staff, 2018). Enslaved individuals’ work was often downplayed by slave owners, due to the benefits of food and other small tokens of appreciation given to enslaved workers at Christmas. The only way that meaningful gifts were giving to slaves was from the mistress. The mistress would call for the women and children specifically to come to the parlor of the house, as well as call their names to receive personal gifts on her behalf (McKissack 2002; Kane 1998). Not only did the mistress give gifts, but received them as well. In a case noted in the book Christmas in the Big House, Christmas in the Quarters, a basket of a dozen eggs was gifted to the mistress from the slaves as an additional appreciation during the holiday season (McKissack 2002). This example shows that the master’s family was expecting gifts in return, and this exchange was not solely out of the goodness of their hearts.

Reiterating the differences between master and slave on Christmas Eve, as well as Christmas Day, is the diverse range of activities and foods that was to be served. One common activity that was shared between the two races was a hunt; however, while both races took part in a hunt, the masters and slaves did not hunt in the same groups. The master’s family, men and boys, would hunt, but for pheasant and blue winged teal for sport, and the enslaved men and boys would hunt possum for consumption (McKissack 2002). The surprising difference in what animal was hunted, even though the activity of hunting was the same, enforces the quality of food that each race was able to obtain. These meats are featured as the main protein at Christmas Eve dinner, showing again to what each of the groups was allowed to have access. As the evening continues getting later and family members in the master’s home began to run out of stories to share, the children of the house got ready for bed. The children in the big house ran upstairs and got a sock to hang up on the mantle as they wished for them to be filled with candy, nuts, fruits, and toys. In the slave quarters, the children put up their socks, wishing for the same gifts, but were told by their parents that there was a possibility of ashes if the child misbehaves (Goodheart 2010; McKissack 2002). Being more grounded in reality, enslaved parents would have to squash their children’s dreams of getting a sweet treat, since there was limited access to what that enslaved workers could have had in terms of treats, which also reiterates the division of race. This is another example of not only the adults on the plantation seeing the difference in Christmas between the races, but also the children in the big house have an entirely happy perception of Christmas, whereas the children in the slave quarters are faced with another discouragement and cannot fully experience Christmas in the same way that the slave owner’s children do. There is one unique thing that is special to the enslaved children, which is that their mothers make cinnamon apples. This tradition consists of an apple for each child that is baked in a cinnamon and water mixture. The apples are then tied to a string and hung from the ceiling. If a child wanted to participate, they would try to bite the apple without using their hands or leave the apple to perfume the quarters with a cinnamon aroma.

Although master’s children had lavish foods for breakfast on Christmas morning, they did not seem interested in the meal, but rather focused on what was happening outside of the house.  On Christmas morning, breakfast was still prepared and served by the enslaved staff who typically served meals thought the year. In the big house, the meal was extraordinarily large, including foods such as: eggs, cured ham, breads, oysters, fish, fruits, cheese, and coffee which would be spread across the table (McKissack 2002, Kane 1998); however, kids in the big house saw that the slave children were outdoors playing and wanted to join in the fun, but they had to wait until after breakfast and open presents before they could. (McKissack 2002). This interaction shows that the white children were not concerned with the food that was served, but would rather be participating in children’s activities such as playing outside.

As the day moved on, everyone prepared for the biggest meal of the day – dinner which consisted of different dishes between the master and slave. In the big house, there was a wide variety of lavish foods served such as: mutton, ham, venison steaks, roast turkey with sage dressing and gravy, assorted vegetables, fresh fruit – specifically pineapple since it symbolizes southern hospitality- bread pudding with sugar glaze, desserts, madeira, sherry, and coffee (McKissack 2002). These dishes were considerably different from what was served in the quarters for Christmas dinner. In the quarters, they enjoyed items such as: virginny ham, roasted chicken, chitlings, squirrel, picked pigs feet, possum and sweet potatoes, poke salad green and eggs, cabbage, squash, and wild greens cooked with ham hocks, ashcakes, buttermilk, sassafras tea, and permission wine (McKissack 2002, Kane 1998, Restad 1995 Christmas in America). The food that is available for consumption on Christmas Day, for both the masters and enslaved, is extensive in comparison to typical meals that were served at other times of the year.

Most of the literature on Christmas during the Antebellum South focused on gift giving, racial differences, and consumption of meals (DocSouth Staff 2018, Goodheart 2010, McKissack 2002, Bigham 1998, Kane 1998, Restad 1995 Christmas in America, Peterkin 1987), but what is missing from this narrative is the source of food for both groups. Only assumptions can be made, since the master is able to own slaves, it only makes sense that he and his family could afford high quality foods. Typically, when reading about enslaved workers, they are carefully given the exact portions needed to cook meals for the slave owners; this leads to more assumptions as to where slaves are actually getting their food for the holidays (Ferris, 2014). These are all questions that need to be further researched in order to fully understand what caused these differences.

Christmas was not an ideal holiday celebration for everyone that lived on the plantation. During these time of year, many enslaved workers travelled to see loved ones and family, thanks to passes from their masters. This was an especially difficult time of the year for some slaves, since there was fear of being sold or traded (Goodheart 2010). December was the end of the financial year, and all of the slaveowners wanted to settle their debts before moving into the new year. This made Christmas for the enslaved workers an emotional season. The enslaved people wanted to enjoy their times during the holidays, but there was always a lingering worry that they would be separated away from their family. Due to these fears, a lot of enslaved workers planned their escapes from slavery during the holidays. One reason for this is that if a slave could get a pass from their master, the slaves could get a further distance away without worrying that their travels had taken too much time.

Generally, Christmas during the plantation era in the American South was viewed with happiness and love from the master’s perspective, but also seen as fearful and disappointing by enslaved workers. With ever-changing tasks given to enslaved workers, it made it difficult to fully relax and enjoy downtime to celebrate, if they received it. During Christmas, it was the one time of year where most individuals on the property could take a short break from typical functions and focus on gift giving and spreading happiness. An example of this relates back to the tradition of “Christmas Gift!” which takes place on Christmas morning between master and slave.

Enslaved workers largely viewed Christmas as another season of work, in contrast to white plantation owners who viewed Christmas as a grand time of celebration (McKissack 2002, Peterkin 1987). Although the work that is done in preparation for Christmas is a contrast from the seasonal work done during the other times of the year, it is still seen as typical duties of enslaved people. During this time of the year, even some of the harshest slave owners were caught being less disciplined with their slaves (DocSouth Staff 2018). These laissez-faire interactions on Christmas could include time off not only for slaves of the household, but also slaves that worked in the fields as well (Bigham 1998). Even with slave masters being kinder, it is hard to ignore the fact that this season was still full of intense labor. Seeing how enslaved workers viewed Christmas as another work day rather than a holiday, they seemed to have more reserved celebrations due to the continuation of the work in the master’s home as well as preparations for their own holiday meal. Due to the lack in change of hours worked and the difficulty of the work not changing, enslaved workers viewed this season like any other throughout the year.

During the holidays, enslaved workers were constantly reminded of the luxuries that they did not have access to, due to the fact that seasonal work for Christmas was predominantly done in the master’s house. Typically, thinking about how the masters and slaves interacted, there was a large disconnect in their relationship; however, during the holidays, enslaved workers had a bigger presence in the master’s house while completing preparations for Christmas. Working in such close proximity to the master and his family reinforced that this enslaved labor, even at Christmas time, continued to be in high demand, although it was a different working atmosphere. These continuous reminders to enslaved workers about how different life was between themselves and their masters also gave them time to reflect on family, or other individuals they knew, who escaped oppression from their masters during the holidays. At Christmas, there was time for not only physical freedom, but additionally freedom to believe in a future where better times could come (DocSouth Staff, 2018).

The literature also fails to mention any other celebrations when enslaved workers received tokens of appreciation or food for their work, although roughly the same amount of labor is being done around the plantation throughout the rest of the year. Looking over the meals that were eaten for dinner, it seemed that Christmas dinner was one of the hardiest and fullest meals that enslaved workers would get during the entire year; however, it should be noted that the slaves were still responsible for gathering, hunting, and making their own food. For a majority of the foods that were served during mealtime on Christmas, there was minimal information describing from where this food was sourced. Enslaved workers got to choose one piece of meat from the storehouse, which included hog, a more prized meat, that consumed during the holiday season (Kane 1998). Additionally, some of the food, mainly meat, served at Christmas dinner was from hunts that occurred earlier in the day or in previous weeks (McKissack 2002). This further emphasizes that a large portion of the holiday meal for enslaved workers had to be worked for in a much different capacity then slave owners. Receiving the choice to pick meat from the family’s storehouse was framed as an act of pleasantry from what seemed to be all the strenuous work that had been completed throughout the rest of the year.

With the spirit of the holidays, white slave owners viewed Christmas as a time of year for lavish celebrations, whereas enslaved black workers were tending to the preparations of Christmas, which led slaves to see Christmas as another season of work. As work during the winter shifted from the fields to inside of the home, enslaved blacks were reminded of the separation of classes based upon race. For one morning of the year, Christmas Day, there was a reversal in roles, especially from the mistress when it came to gift giving.

Lastly, what is seemingly lacking in literature is a narrative on where the majority of the food that was consumed for Christmas meals came from. Although there was an extensive list as to what was cooked and served for both the master and slave, there is no definite location as to where the majority of the food was from. Without this information, there is an important part of the Christmas preparation and celebration that is missing for the narrative of how the holiday as a whole is carried out.

Works Cited

Bigham, Shauna, and Robert E. May. 1998. “The Time O All Times? Masters, Slaves, and Christmas in the Old South.” Journal of the Early Republic 18 (2): 263. doi:10.2307/3124894.

DocSouth Staff. 2018. “The Slave Experience of the Holidays.” The Slave Experience of the Holidays. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Accessed October 31. https://docsouth.unc.edu/highlights/holidays.html.

Ferris, Marcie Cohen. 2014. Edible South: The Power of Food and the Making of an American Region. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Goodheart, Adam. 2010. “Ghosts of a Christmas Past.” The New York Times. The New York Times. December 23. https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/12/23/ghosts-of-a-christmas-past/.

Gulevich, Tanya. 2000. Encyclopedia of Christmas: Nearly 200 Alphabetically Arranged Entries Covering All Aspects of Christmas, Including Folk Customs, Religious Observances, History, Legends, Symbols, and Related Days from Europe, America, and around the World, Supplemented by Aa Bibliography, and Lists of Christmas Web Sites and Associations, as Well as an Index. Detroit, MI: Omnigraphics.

Kane, Harnett T. 1998. The Southern Christmas Book: the Full Story from Earliest Times to Present: People, Customs, Conviviality, Carols, Cooking. Detroit: Omnigraphics.

McKissack, Pat, Fredrick McKissack, and John Thompson. 2002. Christmas in the Big House, Christmas in the Quarters. New York: Scholastic.

Peterkin, Julia Mood. 1987. A Plantation Christmas. Marietta, GA: Larlin Corp.

Restad, Penne L. 1995. Christmas in America: A History. New York: Oxford University Press, Incorporated.

Restad, Penne L. 1995. “Christmas in 19th-Century America.” History Today 45 (12): 13–19.

TheGrio. 2013. “How Slaves Celebrated Christmas in America.” TheGrio. theGrio. December 25. https://thegrio.com/2013/12/25/how-slaves-celebrated-christmas/.

Veganism and Southern Food Culture: A Timely Reunion

By Nick Adams

When you think of Southern food it is likely the smells of chicken fried steak, buttery biscuits drowned in sausage gravy, fish fritters with a side of mac and cheese, or perhaps chicken gizzards come to mind. In reality, the modern conception of Southern food is a relatively new invention and, throughout American history has had a predominantly plant-based foundation, similar to today’s vegan movement. Veganism, by the Vegan Society’s definition, “is a way of living which seeks to exclude, as far as is possible and practical, all forms of exploitation of, and cruelty to, animals for food, clothing, or any other purpose” (History 2018). It is a social movement that has recently cultivated much attention and criticism but retains much relevance in the dynamics of an ever-changing world. As cited by the Vegan Society, searches for veganism on Google and overall demand for vegan products has increased by over 900% since 2013 (Statistics 2018). In the pursuit to end the suffering of animals trapped in the modern industrial agribusiness machine, veganism also addresses problems surrounding public health, environmental sustainability, and the upholding of human rights (Climate Nexus 2017, Victor 2016).

The term ‘vegan’ has origins in the early 1940s, so one can assume that this movement has a relatively recent inception, but this could not be further from the truth (History 2018). Veganism, and its role throughout American history has persisted only to resurface as an alternative to popular American lifestyle that only seems to be gaining more steam (Statistics 2018).

Southern food culture and veganism are seemingly opposite, but this also proves baseless when sifting through the origins of Southern American food, those who innovated, propagated, and popularized it, and its undulating pertinence through slavery, industrialization, the Civil Rights movement, and modernity. When analysing these aspects of American life, one can conclude that veganism is not only harmonious with the fundamentals of Southern food culture, but can also be considered the next step in the evolution of American food culture as a whole. Veganism’s plant-based foundation is seen as considerably different from today’s conventionally animal product based Southern cuisine despite their similar origins. This is due in part to perceived cultural differences created by industrialization and the franchising of Southern food starting in the 1960s that has divorced Southern food culture’s plant-based origins from its modern representation. This paper will show veganism’s existence throughout American colonialism and pre and post industrialism, while also serving as a testament to the impact an individual has by making well informed lifestyle choices. First, the lifestyle choices of seventeenth century West Africa must be analyzed.

West Africa is a region recognized for its high concentration of slave exports during the transatlantic slave trade; these slaves and their descendants would prove to be a huge influence on American food identity (Voyages 2013). Eating customs of West Africans are characterized by their traditional three component approach to meal proceedings. All components are served concurrently and in a communal, family style manner (Massaquoi 2011). The first component is always a high carbohydrate dish, typically a staple crop of grain or starchy tuber, followed by two components of different protein rich courses which consist traditionally of (optionally) fish or poultry and is always served with a vegetable medley. In most cases the vegetable medley is the main source of protein as meat is a very resource intensive product and thus in low supply year round. It is important to note that the broad bean, a native legume, is a main source of protein in West African foodways and often replaces meat dishes (Massaquoi 2011). Their diet is supplemented with the occasional snacking of nuts that are also often added to dishes. Massaquoi (2011) demonstrates the versatility of West African cuisine by displaying dozens of traditional plant-based dishes, from beans Akara to Oleleh (Massaquoi 2011).

In American foodways, industrialization of agriculture became the catalyst for revolutionary change in the way food is produced, distributed, and consumed. Industrialization brought great efficiency, but at a great environmental, health, and socioeconomic cost (Ikerd 2014). Family farms rapidly turned to vast monocropped planting operations that relied heavily on toxic pesticides and fertilizers. Government subsidies on soybeans and corn discouraged farmers from planting a variety of crops, which resulted in the overuse of these synthetic fertilizers. Suddenly, a single farm’s output could be magnitudes higher despite the cutting of thousands of farm occupations replaced by technology. Particularly in the African American community, farming jobs were slashed. In 1910, one million black farmers worked 15 million acres of farmland; by 1970 this figure dropped to less than half at 6 million acres (Edge 2018). Flight to Northern and Western states resulted from this dramatic loss of workable jobs.

The speed at which people demanded food was second only to the speed at which the highly processed food could be produced. The franchising frenzy of the 1960s and 70s was directly fueled by the newly centralized American food system and offered consumers with a novelty that was relatively cheap and filling (Ikerd 2014). It is important to note that when the Civil Rights movement was at its end, commercial fast food chains saw a great opportunity to step in and make more sales by marketing specifically to black Americans. McDonald’s was a leader in the push to advertise their products as aggressively as possible. McDonald’s advertising budget in 1978 hovered just above $225 million, the likes of which no other fast food company had seen (Fast Food 2018). The methods used in advertising was less than savoury, as it relied heavily on fraught, degrading stereotypes (Cruz 2015). Fast food chains realized they could keep up with current social trends while generating more sales by picturing black families smiling around a table of animal products. These methods met great success with families of all ethnic backgrounds becoming more partial to the time saving cuisine; a focus group survey conducted in 1976 gauged customers motivations for eating fast food, and over 55% blamed its speed and convenience during the work week (Fast Food 2018).  From 1965 to 1975, national beef consumption increased by a whopping 50%, 30% of which was ground and used in fast food restaurants (Fast Food 2018). It is here that a large disconnect between public perception of Southern food and the reality of Southern food before industrialization occured. The popular Kentucky Fried Chicken opened its first restaurant in 1952 under Harland Sanders’s management, and became an enormous success. By 1963, 600 KFC restaurants had sprouted in the South and spread abroad (True Originals 2018). KFC is partially responsible for the rebranding of Southern food, which can be seen in their sales and the rate of consumption of their products. Between 1960 and 1978, sales of chicken (particularly fried chicken) grew from 27.8 pounds per person, to over 48 pounds per person (Fast Food 2018). Similarly, the consumption of cheese and cheese products more than doubled during the same time, with 8.3 pounds of cheese per person in 1960 to more than 17 pounds in 1978 (Fast Food 2018). Before the heightened accessibility and consumption of fatty meats and cheeses, traditional Southern cooking was founded upon leafy greens and substantial tuber and grain crops (Terry 2009).

Veganism’s relevance made a striking comeback during the Civil Rights movement of the 1950s and 60s with activists becoming more aware of their participation in an industry that was largely to the benefit of wealthy white men. Additionally, the prevalence of lactose intolerance among African American populations currently stands at roughly 75%, so moving away from a food system that promoted foods that led to health problems was another key factor in the African American push for veganism (Scrimshaw 1988). One of the earliest surveys of fast food nutrition was conducted by Consumer Reports magazine in 1975 that cited the deficit of micronutrients, namely vitamins A, copper, and zinc. To supplement this problem, the magazine encouraged the consumption of “beans, dark green leafy vegetables, yellow vegetables and a variety of fresh fruits” (Fast Food 2018). McDonald’s echoed these sentiments in a 1970s company produced brochure that stated, “proper diet should consist of a variety of foods including fruits and leafy green vegetables which are currently not available at McDonald’s.” They continued, “customers supplement their diet with other foods at home to fulfill the few other required nutrients. McDonald’s menu is somewhat deficient in vitamin A and fiber. These nutrients can be obtained from fruits, whole grain cereals and leafy green vegetables” (Fast Food 2018). Even in 1950s observations a plant-based cuisine strongly correlated with longer lifespan and lower chronic disease, so activists quickly recognized the power they could give themselves by taking their personal health into their own hands, especially if it meant depriving the white and wealthy of their dollar (Appleby 2006). In addition, the negative feedback loop created from a healthcare industry that is not geared toward preventive practice and a food system and government that emphasize the consumption of hazardous foods marked another key reason for a dietary overhaul (Broad 2009). African Americans during this rapidly industrializing age remarked their disdain for the ultra refined products that quickly popularized among white consumers (Edge 2018). Activists saw the normalization of unhealthy foods in American culture as its own kind of subversive oppression and used an alternate, plant-based diet to peacefully address the problem that still plagues modern American society. In 2015, the Centers of Disease Control and Prevention observed that obesity prevalence was slightly under 40% in the U.S., directly correlated with higher risk of all cause mortality, namely heart disease, diabetes, and stroke (Obesity 2015). While activists used diet to grow apart from typical American society, many others saw veganism as a return to their original heritage and culture, which generated a more personal narrative to further motivate fellow African Americans.

The separatism proposed by black nationalists aimed to leave the system that oppressed them all together by looking for alternatives where purpose could be derived in the absence of whites (Edge 2018). Diet became a huge component of this countercultural push; the production and consumption of natural, whole foods became part of greater community activism. Dick Gregory, a black comedian and activist, suggested the switch from “soul” to “soil” food as a way to achieve self reliance within the black community (Edge 2018). Many others carried this sentiment into the modern age with the establishment of hundreds of vegan soul food restaurants across the nation toward the end of the twentieth century (Happycow.net). The advent of great health conscious cooks throughout America and the South have demonstrated that soul food is a genre with more media than fatty, cholesterol laden animal products (Bonilla 2018). The cholesterol, saturated fat, and mammalian growth hormones that animal products contain are strongly associated with elevated BMI, and elevated all-cause mortality: heart disease, Alzheimer’s, diabetes, and cancer (Barnard 2014). These creative chefs have used traditional Southern comfort food as a template for translating a more positive message and healthful diet. Early black vegan cooks drew parallels between the suffering their ancestors endured and the suffering they saw on their plates and used this realization to spark the interest of their children and community, and a gastronomic revival of the age old cuisine.

t is no secret that veganism is on the rise. In the last three years alone, vegan population in the United States has risen over 600% since 2014 (Oberst 2018). Martina Guzman explains that proponents of the fusion of Southern and vegan cuisine are quick to stress that veganism is not a rejection of traditional “soul” food, but rather a critique on the way food cannot only strengthen your body, but also your ideologies (Guzman 2016). It is no doubt that the taste, texture, and appearance of meat and other animal products draws customer appeal. Luckily, all of these elements can be replicated through plant-based means and careful, creative technique. Seitan, a protein isolate of wheat, makes for a deliciously meaty and protein rich substitute. Restaurants like The Southern V in Nashville, Tennessee use this product liberally to reproduce popular dishes like chicken and dumplings, fried chicken, and a regional special: Nashville Hot Chicken (Southern V 2018). Vegan food can be just as comforting as any Southern food, but with a much diminished impact on the environment and personal health (Broad 2009).

The United States is now home to over 27,000 restaurants that are either completely vegan or showcase vegan options alongside omnivorous dishes (Happycow.net). These creative chefs and restaurateurs have used traditional Southern comfort food as a template for translating a more positive message and healthful diet. The motto of NuVegan Cafe, a popular vegan soul food eatery in D.C., is ‘where nutrition meets compassion’ (Bonilla 2018). Compassion not only extends to the animals, but also to mother earth.

By nature, animal products are very resource intensive. According to Goodland and Anhang, the animal agriculture industry contributes to over 51% of earth’s greenhouse gas emissions (Goodland 2009). This number seems impossible until you take the nitrous oxide, methane, and carbon dioxide involved in the production of animal feed, the life cycle of the animal itself, and the processing and distribution of nearly 75 billion animals annually (Lumley 2012). In addition, the deforestation, of which animal agriculture is a top cause, associated with raising livestock and their food crops negatively impact the earth’s natural ability to sequester atmospheric carbon through photosynthesis (Lumley 2012). Large scale animal farming operations are also responsible for the destruction of aquatic ecosystems through nitrogen leaching and bacterial growth. In the U.S. and many other countries, cattle waste goes largely untreated and infiltrates groundwater and surrounding waterways (Alberta 2018). This infiltration makes its way to the ocean where algae blooms prosper, causing aquatic dead zones (Alberta 2018.).

The recognition that veganism’s plant-based nature and modern Southern food are not mutually exclusive concepts will help propagate veganism as a more mainstream culture, centered around the benevolent moral agency toward all animals. This research seeks to unify these two divorced cultural spheres. We can make strides to improve personal health, our environmental impact, and prevent the unnecessary suffering of sentient beings, all while traditional meals are upheld by equally delicious food. The needs of all can be met when practicing a vegan diet and living a vegan lifestyle devoid of all animal exploitation, because veganism is not about indulging every nagging craving or declaring supremacy over our godly domain; it is a movement that recognizes that this world was not made for us, or not just for us. Meaning can be derived when one can set aside today’s conventions and pleasures and look forward to a brighter, more sustainable, and much more compassionate future that is not only in harmony with the natural processes of the earth, but also the peaceful manifestations of the heart.

Works Cited

“Animal Agriculture’s Impact on Climate Change.” Climate Nexus. March 29, 2017. Accessed November 07, 2018. https://climatenexus.org/climate-issues/food/animal-agricultures-impact-on-climate-change/.

Appleby, Paul N., Gwyneth K. Davey, and Timothy J. Key. “Hypertension and Blood Pressure among Meat Eaters, Fish Eaters, Vegetarians and Vegans in EPIC–Oxford | Public Health Nutrition.” Cambridge Core. December 22, 2006. Accessed November 01, 2018. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/public-health-nutrition/article/hypertension-and-blood-pressure-among-meat-eaters-fish-eaters-vegetarians-and-vegans-in-epicoxford/678E54EF633FD623EF778BE1BA743C6A.

Broad, Garrett. 2009. “Vegan Soul Food: African-American Vegetarianism in Media.” Presented at the Conference on Communication and the Environment. June. http://www.academia.edu/3576789/Vegan_Soul_Food_African-American_Vegetarianism_in_Media.

Cruz, Lenika. “‘Dinnertimin’ and ‘No Tipping’: How Advertisers Targeted Black Consumers in the 1970s.” The Atlantic. June 08, 2015. Accessed November 01, 2018. https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/06/casual-racism-and-greater-diversity-in-70s-advertising/394958/.

“Dick Gregory.” Biography.com. August 20, 2017. Accessed November 01, 2018. https://www.biography.com/people/dick-gregory-9320102.

Edge, John T. The Potlikker Papers: A Food History of the Modern South. New York: Penguin Books, 2018.

“Fast Food: U.S. Growth Industry.” CQ Researcher by CQ Press. Accessed November 15, 2018. https://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1978120800.

Guzman, Martina. “Food Has Played an Important Role in America’s Social Justice Movements.” Public Radio International. December 22, 2016. Accessed November 01, 2018. https://www.pri.org/stories/2016-12-22/food-has-played-important-role-americas-social-justice-movements.

“History.” The Vegan Society. Accessed November 07, 2018. https://www.vegansociety.com/about-us/history.

Ikerd, John. “Corporatization of the American Food System.” Corporatization of the American Food System. 2014. Accessed November 01, 2018. http://web.missouri.edu/ikerdj/papers/HBO Corporatization of American Food System.htm.

Oberst, Lindsay. 2018. “Vegan Statistics: Why The Global Rise in Plant-Based Eating Isn’t A Fad.” Food Revolution Network. May 7. https://foodrevolution.org/blog/vegan-statistics-global/.

“Overweight & Obesity.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. August 13, 2018. Accessed November 15, 2018. https://www.cdc.gov/obesity/data/adult.html.

Pswarayi, Tadzoka. “African Vegans Are a Return to Tradition.” This Is Africa. December 19, 2017. Accessed November 01, 2018. https://thisisafrica.me/african-vegans-return-tradition/.

Scrimshaw, N. S., and E. B. Murray. “The Acceptability of Milk and Milk Products in Populations with a High Prevalence of Lactose Intolerance.” The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition. October 1988. Accessed November 01, 2018. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/3140651

“Statistics.” The Vegan Society. Accessed November 07, 2018. https://www.vegansociety.com/news/media/statistics.

Terry, Bryant. 2009. Vegan Soul Kitchen: Fresh, Healthy, and Creative African American Cuisine. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press.

“The Southern V- 100% Plant Based Southern-Style Eatery.” The Southern V- 100% Plant Based Southern-Style Eatery. Accessed November 15, 2018. https://www.thesouthernv.com/.

“True Originals: The Colonel and KFC.” Our Story |KFC History, Colonel Harland Sanders | KFC Canada. Accessed November 15, 2018. https://www.kfc.ca/our-story.

“Vegan & Vegetarian Restaurants in USA.” 2018. Happycow.net. Accessed November 2. https://www.happycow.net/north_america/usa/virginia/charlottesville/.

Victor, Karen and Antoni Barnard. “Slaughtering for a living: A hermeneutic phenomenological perspective on the well-being of slaughterhouse employees” International journal of qualitative studies on health and well-being vol. 11 30266. April 20, 2016. Accessed November 07, 2018. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4841092/

“Voyages.” Introductory Maps. 2013. Accessed November 07, 2018. http://www.slavevoyages.org/assessment/intro-maps.

#nolaeats: Analyzing how the French Quarter Markets Creole Cuisine

By Darby Libka

Introduction

New Orleans is known around the world as a place with its own distinct culture and a population that appears to have found a colorful joie de vie through their parades, music, and cuisine.  Local businesses and government promote the city and its cuisine as being extraordinary (Seery 2010), and it is precisely this formation of identity that is the primary means by which city restaurants frame their character. French Quarter restaurants market themselves to visitors as being well integrated in the New Orleans cultural narrative by claiming to provide unique dining experiences that reflect the city’s distinctiveness, while simultaneously maintaining distance from competitors. These establishments constantly face the challenge of how to tell consumers this story that is both self-inclusionary and exclusionary depending upon the narrative that is being sold in a given situation or on a particular scale.

For businesses in the New Orleans, especially the tourist-filled French Quarter, the Creole cuisine is a golden opportunity to capitalize on a feature that makes them unique from the rest of the world; however, this leaves the question of how restaurants distinguish themselves from one another within the city. In a time where it is almost impossible to visit a site without seeing a tourist taking a selfie to post on social media websites, it is increasingly more important that restaurants join the online community through these platforms. It could be easy for establishments to blend in as yet another New Orleans restaurant selling jambalaya to tourists. Social media is an interactive means of communication through which customers can find restaurants and in turn, restaurants can create an image of themselves that they want potential visitors to see. As daily life relies increasingly upon social media as a meaningful facet of the way in which people communicate, in addition to building and maintaining relationships, businesses are obliged to participate in this sphere. Refusal to partake in online communities puts restaurants at risk of missing an avenue of free marketing and losing potential customers. The French Quarter has taken this idea to heart and many restaurants are participating fully in today’s social media scene.

Literature Review

New Orleans is world renowned for its distinctive food, a vibrant music scene, and the famous French Quarter. The idea of New Orleans cuisine brings thoughts of gumbo, jambalaya, and red beans and rice to mind (Seery 2010); these symbols have become critical in how tourism and the city of New Orleans approaches its lively restaurant scene (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Gotham 2005, 2007). Food is a large part of culture (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Wang 2014, Zukin 1995), but it is also a way in which people can capitalize on providing an experience (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Gotham 2005, 2007). In today’s world where more people are active on social media, there is a new opportunity for restaurants to market their products (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017, Wang 2014) and in New Orleans especially, they can sell an experience that meets the particular idea that individuals have when they think of “New Orleans” (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Gotham 2005, 2007, Stanonis 2009).

For many visitors, the idea of “New Orleans,” which tourists often consider interchangeable with the French Quarter, is a combination of aesthetically pleasing architecture, food, and nightlife which build upon one another to create a unique identity that they are interested in experiencing. The French Quarter is known for restaurants like Galatoire’s and the Café du Monde, Mardi Gras celebrations (Stanonis 2009), and iron balconies overlooking the streets (Gotham 2005); it is also home to many of the city’s landmarks and it is precisely these landmarks that define “New Orleans” for tourists (Stanonis 2009). Business owners have been able to capitalize on these distinct images (Gotham 2005, 2007, Seery 2010, Stanonis 2009) with full support from city officials who have in interest in promoting New Orleans as a place with a unique identity (Seery 2010). Identity is critical for promoting tourism, and with greater tourism comes a more robust economy and greater development (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Gotham 2005, 2007, Seery 2010, Stanonis 2009). It can be created through a wide variety of elements, including dining, which can further translate into its own facet within the larger tourism sector (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Seery 2010). Therefore, it is to the benefit of the city’s residents to promote their food as a part of their identity (du Rand & Heath 2006). If food is seen to be a key component of identity, it can be commodified and sold to tourists who are seeking to experience authentic New Orleans.

In the case of New Orleans foods, the idea of brand is just as important as the food itself. Much like the city has created a brand for itself (Gotham 2005, 2007, Seery 2010, Stanonis 2009), the Creole cuisine has found a home in New Orleans and its foods have become a brand (Stanonis 2009). For food tourists, a place like the French Quarter which has such a distinct character and whose name brings to mind a particular image (Gotham 2007, Stanonis 2009), this strong sense of culture in combination with a cuisine that is specific only to the city (Seery 2010) provides the experience of food as culture that Everett and Aitchison (2008) found to be the most successful. The idea of “New Orleans” is for sale in these restaurants, because the Creole cuisine was formed out of the same characteristics that make the city a unique place and that enhances a distinct culture known for Voodoo, Bourbon Street, and Mardi Gras (Gotham 2007, Stanonis 2009). Both the city and its food are branded, and there is an ability to do so because of this belief that New Orleans is different from any other place in the world, and therefore its culture and food must be too.

Literature often shows that marketing is a key factor when considering how consumers choose a restaurant to visit and what foods to try (Lewis 1981, Wang 2014); traditionally, the factors that restaurants would market include atmosphere, food, price (Lewis 1981) and how that particular restaurant offers an experience that is distinct from its competitors (Ke & Wang 2013). For the French Quarter and greater New Orleans, the distinct dining experience is provided through its strong identity. Historically, Mardi Gras was a way for the city to show what it has to offer through its parades and floats organized by krewes, groups who help put on festivities for Mardi Gras (Stanonis 2009). According to Stanonis, it had been tradition prior to the 1920s to throw samples of food to people partaking in the celebrations (2009). Word of mouth has also been a reliable source of advertisement as visitors share their experiences with relatives and friends back home (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017, Stanonis 2009, Wang 2014). One visitor, Marion Holmes, while writing a letter about a family road trip described the New Orleans food experience “setting a standard destined to be only a pleasant memory, not to be attained again on this trip” (Stanonis 2009, 149). The city has also promoted the idea that the cuisine found in New Orleans is distinct and deserving of recognition (Seery 2010). The idea of uniqueness is a highlight of New Orleans’ character and part of the draw for tourists (Gotham 2007). As marketing and development strategies have changed over time, it is important to recognize the ever increasing role of cyber-connectivity among tourists.

With the more prominent use of social media in daily life (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017, Wang 2014), the food experience has fundamentally changed (Wang 2014). Today’s marketing is done in part by the consumers themselves as they utilize food blogs and other social media platforms such as Instagram to share their visit with followers (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017, Wang 2014). Wang found that it is particularly useful for newer restaurants to have a “buzz” on social media, so that they can begin to gain recognition (2014, 214). By having a moment of attention on a social media platform, restaurants are able to distinguish themselves from other restaurants, which is one of the primary characteristics that they use when marketing to prospective customers (Ke & Wang 2013). New Orleans has a set of foods that the typical tourist is hoping to try during their stay (Seery 2010), and it is this concept that makes distinguishing one restaurant a difficult task; additionally it makes for a competitive market. Red beans and rice is the most sought after dish by tourists looking to sample Creole cuisine (Seery 2010), so there is a demand that many restaurants are hoping to meet; this makes it crucial for a restaurant to distinguish itself from the other establishments serving red beans and rice, which is where social media can play an active role.

Social media is an excellent tool for restauranteurs to use for advertising, but it is also a tool that many consumers use when making decisions about where to eat and what dishes they would like to try (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017, Wang 2014). According to Pick, the majority of restaurant goers’ decisions are made because of outside influences (2014), such as a social media reviews. For social media users, Instagram is the most common platform used to evaluate a restaurant because it provides an actual photo of the food and space that customers can see, which they can use to quickly make a decision as to whether or not a business will fulfill their needs (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017). Social media has also made it easier for restaurant goers to find restaurants since the internet is not limited to the area that a person is in, rather they can plan where they would like to visit based upon food and reviews, thus somewhat eliminating the role that location plays in the decision-making process (Wang 2014). The French Quarter already draws tourists to its location, so the use of social media, which can highlight individual restaurants’ food offerings, is a particularly beneficial here, in the absence of a location decision-making process.

Clearly, the research demonstrates that New Orleans has its own distinctive cuisine (Seery 2010, Stanonis 2009), and it has a food tourism culture (Seery 2010). If done well, these basic facts can give New Orleans the means by which to aid their economy and share their history in a meaningful way (Everett & Aitchison 2008). So that businesses can make the most of this opportunity, it is crucial to consider what experiences food tourists are interested in having and what concoctions they are seeking to try. It is also important for restaurants to be active on social media, so that they can engage with their customers to see what experiences they are seeking and how they have written about their time at the restaurant (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017). In the case of New Orleans, gumbo, jambalaya, red beans and rice, etouffee, and shrimp creole are all considered by tourists to be defining dishes for food tourists who want to experience Creole cuisine (Seery 2010). There are also key sites that food tourists may have as destinations on their venture to find the best gumbo or jambalaya such as Arnaud’s or Brennan’s (Stanonis 2009). Food type, reputation, and tourists’ goals have a large role in the decision making process for restaurant goers, especially in New Orleans.

New Orleans is a place unlike any other, known around the world for lively parades, delicious food, and jazz (Gotham 2007, Stanonis 2009). The city is able to sell itself because one of the most crucial goals of advertising is to distinguish oneself from the the others (Ke & Wang 2013). One of the ways that New Orleans does this is through their distinct culture, of which food plays a large role, specifically the Creole cuisine. Tourists, especially “foodies,” visiting the city have a standard set of food that they are looking to try including dishes such as gumbo and jambalaya (Seery 2010). By recognizing this distinct food culture and the status that the city holds in the minds of people who have visited, restaurants can capitalize upon providing the experience of New Orleans that tourists want to have (Everett & Aitchison 2008, Gotham 2005, 2007). They can market the Creole cuisine, the city of New Orleans, and with the ever growing presence of social media in daily life, they are able to distinguish themselves from other restaurants, therefore maximizing their success and giving tourists the experience that they are searching for when they imagine the Big Easy. Food culture in New Orleans and the way that it is sold allows for visitors to feel the idea that here, the city actually does laissez les bons temps rouler.

Methodology

While a considerable amount of research has been done on the use of social media in relation to restaurants and on New Orleans’ culinary scene, a crucial piece linking these two concepts is missing from the literature. Little to no research has been conducted to understand how New Orleans’ restaurants use social media to market themselves. This is critical, since the use of social media has become far more prevalent in daily life and can be used to encourage customers to visit particular establishments (Wang 2014). Instagram is a one of the most common platforms through which these restaurants can provide a visual representation of the experience that they are selling to diners (Mhlanga & Tichaawa 2017, Wang 2014). Photographs can reveal atmosphere and food, in addition to providing a sense of how much money a customer may expect to spend at the establishment. Google maps highlights the French Quarter as a box enclosed by the Mississippi River, Iberville Street, North Rampart Street, and Esplanade Avenue (Google Maps 2018). Ten restaurants were randomly selected within this area, if they were listed as either a restaurant or a café. This analysis focused on the ten most recent posts and on what elements of their identity the restaurants were trying to promote. Key words and phrases, in combination with relevant hashtags were recorded to help determine patterns.

Discussion

Among the ten French Quarter restaurant Instagram accounts that were analyzed, every restaurant with the exception of Galatoire’s, a world renowned Vieux Carré icon, made mention of “New Orleans” or “nola” within their ten most recent posts. It is evident that New Orleans is a key selling point for these businesses; although, French Quarter was also mentioned in seven of the studied restaurants. Belonging to the elite neighborhood of the French Quarter is almost equally important as the idea of New Orleans in selling the experience to consumers. This idea is further promoted by an emphasis on the characteristic architecture found in the area such as balconies, patios, and courtyards (Gotham 2005) which were mentioned by at least half of the studied restaurants. For a city that has a relatively mild climate, the selling point of outdoor seating is particularly attractive for businesses. Lastly, of the restaurants whose tenth post occurred prior to Mardi Gras, all of them made reference to the holiday that is arguably one of the biggests hallmarks of New Orleans’ identity (Stanonis 2009).

New Orleans is definitively the most popular selling point for these French Quarter restaurants, but closely related is the capitalization on Creole cuisine. Six of the restaurants studied advertised for traditional Creole dishes such as gumbo, po-boys, and muffuletta. Even if the restaurants did not advertise for specific Creole dishes, eight of the ten advertised that they play a critical role in the city’s culinary scene. Common hashtags used to emphasize the restaurant’s involvement in New Orleans dining experiences include: “#neworleansdining,” “#nolaeats,” and “#wherenolaeats.” Since the idea of New Orleans is the primary means by which restaurants sell themselves, it is advantageous for them to use these hashtags that easily create the appearance that they are part of the larger food identity in the city (du Rand & Heath 2006). It instantaneously provides the establishment with a self-imposed stamp of approval that tells customers that they are members of this elite group that can provide the visitor with an authentic taste of New Orleans. The idea that “this is where New Orleans eats,” or “#nolaeats,” makes a claim to customers that this restaurant is a place that can be trusted, because this is where local people eat. If a local person, or “New Orleans,” eats here, it gives that establishment the appearance that they provide the authentic experience of New Orleans identity that tourists are seeking.

Another less evident aspect of New Orleans that the French Quarter markets is the concept of “Laissez les bon temps rouler.” This phrase, translated as “let the good times roll,” hints at a culture that accepts indulgence in practices from which visitors may otherwise restrain themselves. Restaurants capitalize on this by marketing a wide array of alcoholic beverages to consumers looking to deviate from their normal disciplines. Eight of the ten restaurants analyzed posted a photo containing alcohol within their ten most recent posts. For some of these restaurants, it was shown within 40-50% of time. Typically the beverage was wine or liquor, which pays homage to the city’s French history. Once more, a connection to New Orleans culture as a whole is decidedly the most prominent way by which restaurants sell themselves and build an identity.

Restaurants typically advertise three facets of the experience they aim to provide, including food, price, and atmosphere (Lewis 1981). For French Quarter restaurants, the trends that have been identified as commonalities across their Instagram posts are consistent with these themes. The commodification of New Orleans’ identity is related to the marketing of atmosphere. Restaurants in the study advertised parts of the city’s identity that they were able to provide such as balcony dining, patio seating and Mardi Gras celebrations. They often made posts wishing followers a happy holiday, which reflects upon New Orleans’ well known party scene. Posts showing photos of food and alcoholic beverages speak to the cuisine being offered and the atmosphere. It is also important to note that photographs of a restaurant’s interior, food presentation, and the way in which other patrons are dressed can all elucidate ideas of the price range that consumers may expect when visiting this business. The French Quarter restaurants subtly use their social media accounts to build the image of these elements of marketing that they want potential customers to see.

Conclusion

There is an image that comes to mind for many people when the phrase “New Orleans” is mentioned. While it is likely only features of the French Quarter that they are envisioning, businesses in New Orleans capitalize on this mindset. A Google image search of the phrase “New Orleans” displays Bourbon Street, street cars, iron balconies, jazz musicians in the street, and parades, all of which are shown in or near the French Quarter (Google Images 2018). The city’s strong sense of identity, at least for outsiders, often revolves around icons of the Vieux Carré. An important facet of this identity is the Creole cuisine, which calls New Orleans home. Restaurants are able to apply the typical tourist mindset to their marketing plans by selling the aspects of the Big Easy’s culture that are often associated with the city’s identity.

Social media is a substantial method through which restaurants today advertise their cuisine and the dining experience that they can provide. According the the literature, this means of marketing makes location a less important factor in customers’ decision making process to determine where they should eat (Wang 2014). Since French Quarter restaurants already have the factor of location eliminated to some degree, due to the fact that they are all a part of the same neighborhood, it is critical that they are able to differentiate themselves from other restaurants in the area. On Instagram, this is achieved by marketing the elements of New Orleans that their particular restaurant can provide for visitors whether that be seating on a balcony or a wide selection of Creole dishes from which customers can choose. French Quarter restaurants use these elements of ways to separate themselves from other restaurants in the neighborhood, but simultaneously, they advertise being a part of the larger New Orleans community by using hashtags such as “#nolaeats.” These hashtags serve as self-imposed marks of authenticity by purporting that the restaurant is part of the defining group of establishments that determines New Orleans’ identity. The commodification of the Crescent City’s identity is a defining characteristic of French Quarter restaurants who want to be a part of what makes New Orleans unique and beloved in the minds of residents and tourists alike.

Works Cited

Everett, S., and Aitchison, C. 2008. “The Role of Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity: A Case Study of Cornwall, South West England.” Journal of Sustainable Tourism 16, no. 2: 150-167.

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This Little Piggy Went to Market, and Found a Home: An Analysis of the Place of Pork Barbecue in the American South

By Sarah Giuseppe

Introduction

Food is a monument of everyday life. As eating is such a deeply intimate act, when people participate in food and food sharing with different cultures, they are then better able to experience those cultures and understand them. Through food, it is also possible for a person to garner a small look into the culture and lives of those who have created and prepared it. Pork acts as that food for much of the American South. Pork is pervasive, symbolic, iconic, and delicious all at the same time and has been integral to the culture of the American South since its infancy.

In particular, pork barbecue, slow cooked over wood and coals, has managed to win over both the hearts and stomachs of southerners and northerners alike. Despite the turmoil in the South, from slavery to separation to war and rebuilding, barbecue, particularly pork barbecue, has remained a constant on southerners’ plates and menus. However, how has this iconic dish changed and been influenced by the ever changing racial and religious landscape of the American South? The truth is that pork barbecue has not changed in a noticeable way, remaining untouched by outside influence to the region. Barbecue in the American South has not changed significantly since its conception, but while the “idea” of barbecue has remained relatively free from the influence of immigration and globalization, clear regional variations have emerged which help to define or redefine the identity of those regions.

Background

Much of the literature about Southern Foodways argues that pork itself is essential to the American South, both as an industry as well as a source of food. Historically, pork has always been very important to the South, and was extremely common throughout the Antebellum years (Thompson 2005 and Hilliard 1969). During pork shortages in Louisiana and coastal South Carolina, pork was imported from other states in the region to make up the demand (Hilliard 1969). Consequently, pork was the staple protein in Southern diets throughout the 19th century, and travelers into the South during this time describe the inescapable nature of pork at the Southern dining table (Bass 1995 and Hilliard 1969). As pork became so pervasive throughout southern culture and identity, hog killing was seen as a culturally significant event that was meant to be social in nature (Thompson 2005). Hog killing also served as a time for men to show off and gather together while women were kept away, as the slaughter and cooking of meat was seen as a masculine activity (Thompson 2005).

Many authors note that beyond its significance as a food source, the hog is also often seen as a symbol of the region (Bass 1995). Additionally, hogs serve as the symbol of southern cuisine itself with many barbecue restaurants boasting a pig in some shape or form in their logo (Bass 1995 and Roof 2010). Some southerners have gone as far as to try and replace the image of the Dixie flag as a marker of southern status with the pig (Roof 2010).

In order to properly understand how pork received almost sacred status within the South, it is important to note both the economic and culinary advantages of pork in the region. Economically speaking, pork made up a huge section of the South’s interstate and domestic industries (Hilliard 1969). Growing hogs is easier than growing cattle, and hogs are a much more versatile livestock (Bass 1995). Several authors noted the versatility of pigs as a source of protein, stating that all parts of the animal can be consumed, or  utilized in some way (Bass 1995 and Thompson 2005 and Roof 2010). This versatility is not only seen in the parts of the pig that can be consumed, but also in the ways that it is prepared and the way that it is used to market goods (Roof 2010). One author notes that pigs can be dressed up and prescribed so many different characters, that they can be used to advertise to any age or class of audience (Roof 2010).

While pork itself is widely acknowledged as being a cultural symbol in the South, when it is made into barbecue it becomes all the more iconic. So important is pork barbecue in defining southern identity, that one author describes barbecue as being folklore, myth, political, and historical as well (Lovegren 2003). Although, historically barbecue might have been reserved for special occasions by the 1900s it had become a “widespread cultural phenomenon” (Bass 1995). Many southerners have tried to use pork barbecue to reshape and reinforce their cultural identity in the wake of having no unified ethnic or religious identity (Johnson 2017). There are even assertions that barbecue is as southern as southern gets, which just reinforces the cultural significance of pork barbecue in the South (Roof 2010). One author even goes as far as to claim that barbecue has replaced grits as the symbol of the new more prosperous and respectable South (Roof 2010). Pork barbecue has become so deeply tied to southern identity that it has been argued that eating pork barbecue is what defines a southerner and that a visible barrier exists between the barbecue states and the rest of America (Roof 2010).

Much of the literature details the political side of pork barbecue, drawing attention to the campaign tactic of drawing a crowd through barbecue. Politicians in the south have used barbecue as a way of turning out large numbers at political rallies (Johnson 2017 and Bass 1995 and Thompson 2005). Pork barbecue is credited as having originally appeared in three different cultural institutions: the family table, the family owned restaurant, and also the political rally (Thompson 2005). At these political rallies, pork barbecue managed to bridge gaps between political ideologies and also across racial lines (Thompson 2005). As barbecue became more and more associated with political rallies, it also became increasingly connected to ideas and standards of democracy itself (Johnson 2017).

Despite pork barbecue being able to serve as a unifier, the racial history of this food cannot be ignored. Barbecue is universally defined as the process by which a protein is cooked low and slow over a bed of coals (Lovegren 2003 and McDaniel 2011). This cooking process was observed by many early explorers to the New World as a common practice among Native peoples (McDaniel 2011). Much of the literature views barbecue as being the culmination of the cultural exchange between European settlers, Native Americans, and African slaves (Warnes 2010 and Johnson 2017). One author makes the statement that barbecue was born when Old World ingredients met New World cooking techniques, primarily smoking (Warnes 2010). This old meets new narrative and the subsequent cultural exchange can be understood as: Europeans brought ingredients, Native Americans supplied the cooking techniques, and African slaves provided the labor (Johnson 2017). This use of African slave labor to cook barbecue originally is neither overlooked nor the sole focus of any of the literature, but most of the literature touches on the ways in which barbecue managed to rebrand itself from savage to civilized (Warnes 2010).

Although there is a general consensus when it comes to the general definition of barbecue as a cooking process, there are huge variations in how barbecue is prepared and served.These variations are regional, but they can also be inter-regional as well, with local variations cropping up within a single state (McDaniel 2011). The four main regional variations of barbecue are Texas, Memphis, Carolina and Kansas City, and the factors that determine these regional styles are fuel, sauce, meat and end results (Griffith 2010). Texas barbecue is more known for its preparations of beef, but pork ribs are also a staple in Texas barbecue (Griffith 2010). Similarly, Kansas City style barbecue also focuses largely on beef brisket and pork ribs, but instead has a sweet-sour hot flavor profile (Griffith 2010). Really, Kansas City is all about the sauce, which has been bottled and sold as the prototypical American barbecue sauce (Griffith 2010).

Memphis barbecue largely focuses on pork shoulder and ribs, but within eastern Tennessee there is a different, more local variation. This variation is famous for its “Tennessee Red” sauce which is thick, sweet and ketchup based (Griffith 2010 and McDaniel 2011). Memphis-style barbecue, which is popular in the Mid-South of the state, is characterized by pulled pork sandwiches made of either pulled or chopped pork shoulder, served on a hamburger bun with coleslaw and a spicy tomato based sauce (Vetero and Maclin 2011). The Carolinas are the other main variation of pork barbecue in the South, but instead of a sweet, ketchup- based sauce, Carolina style barbecue is vinegar-based and tangy in flavor (Griffith 2010). Much like Tennessee, North Carolina has local variations of barbecue as well, with some barbecue pit masters including ketchup or mustard in the sauce, and in the variations of side dishes and seasonings (Griffith 2010 and Thompson 2005).

While Texas and Kansas City variations do not really include pulled pork, pork is considered by some to be the only true barbecue of the South (McDaniel 2011). Additionally, most state variations of pork barbecue are all actually variations of Carolina barbecue (Griffith 2010). One such state variation in Alabama uses the same basic vinegar base but offers a mayonnaise based white sauce on the side for dipping (Johnson 2017).

Discussion

In a new environment, an ocean away from home, European settlers, particularly the British, demanded that their slaves cook them dishes that reminded them of home (Edge 2017). Their meat of choice was pork, and it was so important to their diets that the settlers brought their pigs with them to the New World. While slaves were ordered to cook pork dishes for their master, leftover or less desirable cuts of pork were often included in their rations (Thompson 2005). Pork was then essential to the diets of both slave owners and slaves alike. Despite its wild popularity as both food and symbol, pork is not a way to transcend the racialized past of the South, but barbecue might be the first real evidence of cultural collaboration. Barbecue is the byproduct of the meeting of three different cultures. Barbecue was born when the ingredients of the settlers (pork) met the cooking techniques of Native Americans (roasting over an open fire, low and slow) and the labor of enslaved African populations (Johnson 2017). Even though pork is not above the racialized past of the South, barbecue might be the monument through which Southerners can share and remember this past while working towards a more inclusive future.

The term “barbecue”, however means different things to different people. A Texan might respond brisket, while a Carolina native will answer pulled pork with no hesitation. These differences are the result of the emergence of regional variations, and while there are four main regional variations of barbecue within those larger regions there are often more smaller local takes on a base recipe (Griffith 2010 and McDaniel 2011). The four big regions of barbecue may differ in regards to fuel, meat, sauce and the results, but more local variations often differ by one ingredient, or the dishes that are served on the side (Griffith 2010 and Bass 1995). Local varieties quickly become essential to the identity of the places in which they were created and the areas where they are consumed. As the first version of barbecue a person eats, becomes their definition of barbecue, these local variations help to set local and larger regional cuisine apart from the rest of the South (Griffith 2010). These varieties also help to create a local identity, unique but not separate from regional or Southern identity.

Conclusion

Despite a continued influx of immigration and influence, barbecue has remained a steady and consistent feature in the Southern diet. Largely unchanged and unbothered by outside influences, barbecue nonetheless does vary greatly from region to region, and place to place. As both an essential and critical aspect of Southern culture, pork barbecue has helped to redefine Southern identity and culture in a more prosperous time, becoming the symbol of the South’s hopeful future. Pork can then be understood as both a food and a symbol, and as a symbol pork is in many ways also a monument of the South. If someone wants to understand the past or the present of either the South, its many regions, or its many localities, then all they need do is eat a healthy serving of (pork) barbecue.

Works Cited