Southern food has served as a powerful lens into the culture and history of a tension filled region. This chapter will examine Southern food as it has attributed to the building of community, Southern hospitality, and made significant impacts to the history of the region. There will be a focus on the influence Southern food made during historical eras such as the Civil War, the Civil Rights Movement, and the social stigmas that have been formed around Southern food with regards to the South’s characteristic element of hospitality. Southern food’s significant impression on the South’s modern reputation will be analyzed as we look into past events and cultural practices that have shaped the South we know today.

The paper titled, “Connections Through Cuisine”, written by Annie Sullivan, examines how Southern food strengthened and built communities during the civil rights movement. Southern food was central to the bolstering of the black community and bridging gaps across racial groups. Black-owned restaurants and fundraising the movement via baked goods were catalysts for building connections. Everyone eats, and when there is opportunity to come share a meal, community is inevitable. Research about Georgia Gilmore and her significant role in the civil rights movement, completed by Edge (2017), Atkins-Sayre (2014), and others will be synthesized to examine the lasting impacts Southern food has had on social groups.

Images of Southern hospitality and grandeur developed through the antebellum era, but those images tell only stories of rich elites from the time. The power was concentrated in a small high society population who benefited from the slave trade. The scarcity that occurred during the Civil War highlights the inequalities in Southern cities, demonstrating strong racial and social distinctions in the area. The paper, “Southern Cities: Seeing the Past in the Modern Day South”, written by Christian Meoli, goes beyond the history of the early South and identifies its connections to the modern day South, as its past has laid the foundation for contemporary conditions. Urban tourism industries, specifically the touring of historic homes, recalls those images of the antebellum, but the white narrative is more prominent. The specific experiences of the slaves who supported these homes are underrepresented, showing a preference for a clean nostalgia of the South without the moral burden of speaking deeply of slavery. The inequalities highlighted by the Civil War can be seen in modern food deserts, food inequality, and nutritional disparities among neighborhoods. The modern inequalities seen in Southern cities are directly enforced by their racially charged past.

The history of the South is full of trouble and indignity as we look back at the events that took place throughout its complicated history. The South’s long history of slavery and the Civil War resulted in an effort to keep the institution of slavery alive. Although this war concluded many years ago, there have been lasting consequences that are can be seen today. Many of these consequences can be seen in the South’s present day economy and the systematic racism. Today, many scholars continue to study and analyze the components that led to the Confederacy’s defeat, with food as a vital role in their surrender. The paper, “A Famished Demise”, written by Courtney Ferraro, explores Union tactics, the numerous fatalities from different class systems, and an embattled home front, as well as many other factors that were affected by the lack of food. Researchers discussed in this analysis give a glimpse of the many elements that affected the food supply in the South during the war. As the South experienced a plethora of struggles during this time, research shows most of these crucial impacts all stem from the limited access to sufficient quality food. This lack of food proved fatal to the South in many ways, eventually leading to their surrender as they could not go on any longer without their beloved Southern dishes.

Connections Through Cuisine

By Annie Sullivan

Introduction

During the civil rights movement, Southern food played a significant role in building a community. Throughout the era, restaurants and more broadly Southern food, served as a hub which strengthened the black community, while at the same time provided an accessible way to connect with other groups who were interested in furthering the rights of black Americans. Community in this analysis will be defined as something where every member has a connecting factor. The civil rights movement during the late 1940’s to the late 1960’s was a time where black Americans fought for equal rights and strived for to end racial discrimination. Before the civil rights movement, and even after, there were many societal gaps that were a result of  the discrimination of black people by white people (Herr 2011). Food was something that bridged those gaps; this analysis will further explore the depth of impact that food had when it came to creating an inclusive community.

The community that was built during this era can be seen in various ways, one of which was with the importance of certain soul-food kitchens like Gilmore’s. Restaurants were also an integral part of the movement, and built connections between customers. Additionally, baked goods sold by black women to raise funds for the movement eased tensions between black and white women (Edge 2017, Ferris 2014). This research will depict how Southern food during the civil rights movement broke down social barriers between classes and created connections between all groups.

Soul Food Kitchens

Soul food kitchens were a place where individuals would join together with the intention of receiving an authentic Southern dish; at the same time they were also building a community. Georgia Gilmore was an African American civil rights activist that conducted fund-raising efforts by selling food at many mass functions. Gilmore built a kitchen where those who were supporting the civil rights movement could come together (Edge 2017, Stokes 2016). She created a “back door restaurant” where black and white customers with every range of income, could come and try a home-cooked soul food meal, such as pork chops, fried chicken, and stuffed peppers (Ferris 2014, Edge 2017). Gilmore’s food was famous in town, drawing in increasing numbers of people, and creating more opportunities to form connections. People from across Montgomery, Alabama would come to eat at Gilmore’s, and by having a common enjoyment for her food a community steadily formed. Dooky Chase’s was a New Orleans soul food kitchen that was famous for gumbo. This African American owned eatery was a favorite to many black Americans during the civil rights movement, but it was also highly favored by white police officers at the time. These officers stated, “Yeah, I may not like what she’s doing, but I like her food. We’re not going to mess with her” (Ginsburg 2018). As much as many white people wanted to fight desegregation, the deliciousness of the food outweighed all the other things that white people had against African Americans.

The civil rights movement was not an era where white people welcomed black people into society with loving arms. There were a variety of ways that African Americans fought for Black Power and their right as full participants in society. In almost every way, whether it was education, housing, or anything public, segregationists did what they could to keep America “separate but equal.”  However, one thing that bridged the gap was Southern food.  Not every white Southerner was against the equality for African Americans. Nevertheless, there was such a strong social stigma about the “correct way” for the racial groups to interact with each other, which was to keep interaction at a minimum, especially in public settings. Many researchers only talk about the positive aspects of these restaurants, Stokes and Edge, for example, have failed to publish any negativity that Gilmore may have received (2016, 2017). It is clear that she was well known for her homegrown kitchen, but researchers fail to analyze if there was any backlash from the establishments. Even so, Georgia Gilmore was an essential role to the civil rights movement as she facilitated a multitude planning and fundraising events.

The Role of Restaurants

Restaurants played a significant role in the shaping of community in the south. These were the places that people, regardless of class, could come together and share a meal. This ultimately led to conversations with the end result of forming communal ties between groups. Restaurants were not only a place to share a meal, but they also acted as a hub for leaders of the movement like Martin Luther King Jr. to come and organize the effort for equal rights (Stokes 2016, Edge 2017, Ginsburg 2018, Herr 2011, and Ruane 2014). At this time, black Americans were ridiculed and mocked by other races, so these black owned restaurants were places of safety. These were places that the leaders in the civil rights movement could come and discuss their plans without fear and be fed a comforting meal at the same time (Atkins-Sayre 2014, Edge 2017, Ginsburg 2018). When building a community, a sense of belonging and safety is required, and Southern food restaurants provided that. Soul food joints were a haven to those who were hungry and needed a place to stay (Ruane 2014). The people that came to eat at Gilmore’s, Dooky Chase’s, and Paschal’s restaurants were typically those fighting for equality and craved a safe place amongst those with the same values. Through these spaces, the cooks were not only serving food, but they were also driving a social change.

Public spaces were not initially a safe space for black Americans. Restaurants were one of the first components in everyday life where the civil rights movement fought for equality. Black Americans forced their way into equal service from white dominated restaurants through the utilization of sit-ins and boycotts. Until the Civil Rights Act of 1964, restaurant owners could refuse service to someone based on skin color. The Greensboro sit-ins were one of the early attempts to break societal barriers between races (Ginsburg 2018, Herr 2011, Opie 2017).  Since food was part of everyday life, having boycotts centered in restaurants was one way to ensure that the fight for equal rights was happening everyday. It was an ironic time because white people were willing to have black people serve them and sleep in the same house as them, but when it came to sitting at an adjacent table in a restaurant, there was an unsettling tension (Edge 2017). Over time, this simmered as people’s focus became centered on the famous fried chicken that was in front of them.

Restaurants were also a place that broke barriers between social classes in the Southern black community. Paschal’s was one restaurant in particular where various civil rights leaders such as John Lewis and Andrew Young gathered together to enjoy the food while simultaneously planning events in the movement. In most white owned restaurants, white people would serve black people with such hostility that they would not want to return (Opie 2008). After the sit-in boycotts and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, white people were legally obligated to serve black people, but there was no law saying that they had to be kind. Attitudes did not change when the laws were signed, but having legality when serving African American citizens was one small step towards a functioning community. There were many other chefs such as Martha Hawkins and Paschal who did more than just serve food, they created an environment that was welcoming. Since the food they were serving was so delicious, people would look past the fact that a plumber was sharing a meal with an influential civil rights leader (Atkins-Sayre 2014, Edge 2017, Ginsburg 2018). This opened the door for conversations between different social classes, which strengthened the community. The significance of Paschal’s restaurant was that, unlike many white owned restaurants where social class was an indicator on if you could even eat at the restaurant, this was a place that welcomed everyone. The connecting factor was that everyone in Paschal’s had the same goal: to strategize equal rights for black citizens.

It was not an immediate transition for there to be thriving black American owned restaurants that offered a safe environment. Texts such as Potlikker Papers and Black Owned Restaurants Nourished the Activist Soul (Edge 2017, Ruane 2014), made it seem like these restaurants were perfect places that people of every type could leave their grievances and prejudices at the door. While a community was built, these passages refuse to mention the struggles that came with creating a civil rights hub. There has been little to no research indicating if there was vandalism done to these meeting places, or perhaps they were kept secret from outsiders. Either way, scholars have yet to analyze the negative aspects that came with the creation of these establishments. Most white people avoided coming into these restaurants, knowing they were black owned and fearing the social consequences of eating there, which made black Southerners feel safe in that they had freedom to speak out for what they believed (Brown 2008, Opie 2017, Ruane 2014). Nevertheless, restaurants provided a haven for black individuals to organize the movement and the sit-in boycotts steadily bridged the gaps between the two racial classes.

Fundraising with Baked Goods

The civil rights movement was a time where black women would sell baked goods to support the fight for equal rights, these commodities were an outlet for communal ties to be formed. There were few white people that supported black people becoming full participants in society during this era. Georgia Gilmore did more than just build a restaurant from her home kitchen; she created a way for all black women to support the movement by using their baking skills. With her passion for cooking and her equal passion for equality, Georgia created “The Club From Nowhere” (Alabama Chain 2014, Ferris 2014). This club set up all around town, whether it be in beauty parlors or street corners, women in the club were able to bring things they made. At these locations, white and black women were able to buy the items anonymously (Alabama Chain 2014, Edge 2017). This was a way to fundraise for the movement, as many black women baked cakes and other goods, that many white and black woman purchased. These baked goods sold fast because they were so delightful, but it was also a way that the women in the region supported each other no matter the race or class (Edge 2017). Gilmore saw the success of her club as it grew, and the funds that came in from the club helped influential leaders organize events. The money that came in from the selling of these baked goods also helped initiate the “back door restaurant” that Gilmore created. Food came full circle with Gilmore as food was what brought in money to sell more food, and more so created more and more opportunities for people to come together (Ferris 2014). There were a few white Southern women that would intentionally support the civil rights movement by purchasing the cakes that black Southern women would sell to fundraise the movement. They would do this in private though, most likely to hide it from their friends and avoid the social consequences that would come from supporting another race (Alabama Chanin 2018; Ferris 2014). The anonymity that came with purchasing the baked goods provided an outlet for these progressive white women. The small amount of white Southerners supporting equality eventually grew as people recognized that the generational recipes that black Southerners used in restaurants became more popular.  Over time, it became more common for white people to come to terms with the movement; and it all started with the food.

Discussion

Southern food strengthened the black community during the civil rights movement through the establishment of restaurants and joining together around an authentic soul food meal. These black owned soul food eateries provided the place of opportunity for all classes to eat in community. Social class is intertwined with the identity of the South, the amount of  money someone had dictated every aspect of their life whether it be food, drink, or social surroundings. All those barriers came crumbling down when a new authentic soul food restaurant came to town. When people went to these restaurants, they did not think about the social repercussions that might come out of it, they were thinking of the safe and comforting feeling of home that might be evoked when taking that first bite of some seasoned collard greens. By being in these restaurants, such as Paschal’s and Dooky Chase’s, significant leaders and everyday handymen were provided a space and a shared experience where conversations could go from the taste of the food and flourish into discussion of plans for the next event in the civil rights movement (Brown 2008, Ginsburg 2018) . No other space was as vulnerable yet casual, when experiencing the same taste in their mouth. New information from people of different social and racial classes was shared and synthesized just as meticulously as the creation of Southern food.

While racial and social separations were present in society, food was able to build community as everyone wanted to come buy a piece of cobbler or fried chicken. White women looked past who the seller was and simply looked at the product, in doing so they were subconsciously bridging a societal gap that had been present for hundreds of years. These black women were finally being paid for their services to white woman, after many long years of free labor. This hinted a start of the respect and equality black women deserved, even if the white woman tried to ignore it.

Food was the gateway to conversations between groups that would have never communicated without it. The white cop that ate at Dooky Chase’s, or even the white women that purchased baked goods, did not necessarily care about supporting the civil rights movement, they cared about having something delightful to eat and something delicious to share (Edge 2017, Ginsburg  2018). Through more exchanges and the normality of it, the white and black community were able to help each other out with food as the anchor. While one woman got a pie that she could never make on her own, the other was given funds to a movement that would change both their lives forever. Food tightened social gaps and put everyone on the same pedestal so that a sense of community could be formed.

Conclusion

There was a significant amount of social transition happening in the civil rights movement, not only with equal rights, but with food as well. The establishment of restaurants and the fundraising with baked goods bridged social gaps during the civil rights movements and was central to building a community. At this time, Southern food identity was creating a wave of shared experiences between the black and white community (Atkins-Sayre and Stokes 2014). Food was the advocate for communal building amongst the diverse groups during the civil rights movement; it is foundational in everyone’s life and it is a connecting factor as everyone wants to enjoy it. No one in the civil rights movement denied that the food sold in the many black-owned restaurants was delicious. This was just a small stepping stone that bridged gaps between social and racial classes and created an overarching community in the South. Understanding these communities, particularly how they formed around food in the civil rights movement, is essential for understanding social dynamics today. This analysis provides a glimpse on the importance of these famous Southern restaurants and the racial dynamics behind many Southern recipes.

Southern food was an anchor in the bolstering of communal ties; this can be seen in the number of soul food eateries that created opportunity for people of every race to sit down, share a meal, and dwell in conversation. Private kitchens, like Georgia Gilmore’s, started small and burgeoned into the home of everyone that was looking to support each other in the fight for equality. Restaurants, like Paschal’s, was a place where lower and higher class patrons could share a meal. Finally, by using baked goods to fundraise, black women were given the opportunity to have civil conversations with white women. White women were able to support the black community when they purchased these goods, without the social consequences that would normally come with conversing with those of the opposite race. In the same way that food is a basis for survival, it is also the basis for forming a community. Ultimately, in the black community Southern food was the central factor that brought people together from all social classes, while simultaneously bridging the gap between races.

Works Cited

“A Cake For Georgia Gilmore.” Alabama Chanin | Journal. January 26, 2018. https://journal.alabamachanin.com/2014/01/cake-georgia-gilmore/.

Atkins-Sayre, Wendy and Stokes, Ashli. 2014. Crafting the Cornbread Nation: The Southern Foodways Alliance and Southern Identity. Southern Communication Journal, 79:2, 77-93, DOI: 10.1080/1041794X.2013.861010.

Brown, Robbie. 2008. Remembering a Soul Food Legend Who Nurtured Civil Rights Leaders. The New York Times. From https://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/06/us/06paschal.html

Edge, John. 2017. The Potlikker Papers: A Food History of the Modern South. New York: Penguin Books.

Ferris, Marcie. 2014. The Edible South: The Power of Food and the Making of an American Region. The University of North Carolina Press.

Ginsburg, Eric. 2018. Inside the Restaurants That Fed the Civil Rights Movement. Munchies. From https://munchies.vice.com/en_us/article/vbqkyj/inside-the-restaurants-that-fed-the-civil-rights-movement

Herr, Melody. 2011. Sitting for Equal Service: Lunch Counter Sit-Ins, United States, 1960s. Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books.

Opie, Frederick Douglas. 2008. Hog and Hominy: Soul Food From Africa to America. New York: Columbia University Press.

Opie, Frederick Douglas. 2017. Southern Food and Civil Rights: Feeding the Revolution. Charleston: American Palate.

Ruane, Laura. 2014. Black-Owned Restaurants Nourished the Activist Soul. USA Today. From https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2014/02/18/black-history-month-restaurants/5591989/

Stokes, Ashli and Atkins-Sayre, Wendy. 2016. Consuming Identity: The Role of Food in Redefining the South. Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi.

Southern Cities: Seeing the Past in the Modern Day South

By Christian Meoli

Introduction

The antebellum era in the American South refers to the years prior to the Civil War, often romanticized as a peaceful and laid-back time spent in the shade enjoying a bounty of food (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000). Slavery provided economic benefits to the South through unpaid labor, leading to the rise in wealth of plantation owners. Slaves were prominent in rural areas, but a significant number of slaves remained in the homes of wealthy elites in cities such as New Orleans, Louisiana, Charleston, South Carolina, and Richmond, Virginia (Wade 1984; Hargrove 2009). Wealthy white men who profited from the slave trade formulated a powerful high society that aimed to keep their power (Ferris 2014; O’Malley 2017).

As southern cities grew they attracted travelers in search of new foods and entertainment. However, after the Civil War began, cities became targets for starvation tactics by the Union, leading to increased food scarcity. The rich continued to maintain their lavish lifestyles while the urban poor faced starvation, demonstrating the inequality in cities based on race and socioeconomic class (Ekelund and Thornton 1992; Ferris 2014). There is a link between these historic conditions and modern southern cities today. Tourism caters to the idealistic ideal of the wealthy antebellum South, leading to a preference for white history. Southern cities are increasingly gentrifying and becoming whiter, leading to the dismantling of neighborhoods of color (Edge 2017). This process effectively ignores systemic barriers to food equality and proper nutrition and exacerbates them. The slave economics that drove the development of southern cities cannot be separated from the class and racial inequalities seen today. Contemporary food systems and tourism schemes encourage a nostalgia for white antebellum history and encourages the erasure of other narratives.

Analysis of Literature

Antebellum Era Prosperity for Urban Elites: Slave Trade Economics of the South

The antebellum South has been romanticized to only reflect the lives of wealthy men, which ultimately ignores the plight of the slaves that enabled their economic success. Historical accounts of slavery in the South tend to focus on the experience of rural slaves working on plantations, but during this time, the population of urban slaves was also significant (Wade 1984; Hargrove 2009). Spurred by the slave trade, cities like Charleston and New Orleans became hubs of economic activity with power concentrated in a small urban elite population who benefited greatly from the industry (Ferris 2014; O’Malley 2017). The agglomeration of people in cities, complicated the food culture as more cultural and culinary exchanges were possible. Urban areas relied more heavily on transportation and markets which increased food options and streamlined the purchasing of food (Zierden and Calhoun 1986; Ferris 2014). The rise in grocers and markets helped meet the demands of a growing population and support diversifying food tastes (Zierden and Calhoun 1986; Ekelund and Thornton 1992; Ferris 2014; O’Malley 2017).  New Orleans was a prominent trading center that produced an intricate food culture due to the plethora of unique ingredients, techniques, and recipes from diverse slave and native populations (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Stanonis 2009). The urban antebellum experience conjures images of high society parties and balls with delicious feasts, but this entertainment was only possible because of the forced labor of slaves. White wealthy men were able to fully enjoy the splendor and bounty that characterized the antebellum era (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Ferris 2014). They built their economic success upon the backs of their slaves, and they went to great measures to keep social distinctions intact (Fischer 1969; Volo J. and Volo D. 2000).

Powerful homeowners constructed a social order that mimicked European aristocracy and reinforced ideas of class and race supremacy in the South. Despite the slave trade being the economic powerhouse of southern cities, the facilities were placed in remote parts of the city to avoid the unpleasant sights of the slave markets (Volo J., Volo D. 2000). Rich men wished to socially and physically distinguish themselves in society, and the home was an effective place to start. Greek revival architecture grew in popularity in the antebellum South because it represented aristocracy and power (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000). Homes were made to impress and reflect social standing and assert dominance and dominion over slaves (Vlach 1999; Zierden 1999; Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Litvin and Brewer 2008; Dusinberre 2011; Ferris 2014). Many homes used physical barriers such as false doors, difficult entrances, and privacy barriers to intimidate people they viewed as beneath them and to impress the guests who were deemed worthy enough to enter (Valch 1999; Ferris 2014). Inside, furnishings and collectibles were a way to openly flaunt their wealth and maintain their place in the delicate high society social circle (Zierdan 1999; Volo J. and Volo D. 2000). Above all, men had to show refinement, so they turned to their wives to prove this with extravagant dinners (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Ferris 2014). These men were looking for a way to mimic the splendor of nobility and subsequent servitude in England, and they accomplished it through the purchase of expensive possessions and property, the planning of extravagant entertainment, and the displays of control over their slaves (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Litvin and Brewer 2008). While the rich elites controlled the money and power in southern cities, the rest of the population was more varied than the makeup of the homogenous high society.

Southern cities were diverse and had high populations of slaves, free black men, and poor whites (Wade 1984; Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Hargrove 2009). Powerful white men dominated the narrative of the antebellum and blurred the experiences of other urbanites in the process, leading to a focus on the lives of wealthy men and their families. The lost narratives must be incorporated into scholarly discourse to paint a more accurate picture of life in the South. Each individual slave had a brutal reality that differed from the next but was united by the institution that shackled them together. Slaves performed different work and encountered diverse interactions with slave owners (Fischer 1969; Litvin and Brewer 2008; Hargrove 2009; Dusinberre 2011). Urban slaves did not generally perform farming work, but rather were forced into domestic servitude tasks and child rearing (Litvin and Brewer 2008; Dusinberre 2011). Depending on the specific master, some slaves were able to gain the trust of their enslaver and trained in crafts such as blacksmithing, carpentry, or tailoring (Valch 1999; Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Hargrove 2009; Dusinberre 2011). The skills built by some slaves during this time aided them if they escaped to the North or were freed later, as many developed businesses based on their craft (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000). We are missing the perspectives of the slaves that were under the control of some of the most powerful men in the early South. Limited accounts reveal some urban slaves had more flexibility compared to rural slaves in that they might be permitted to leave more freely and roam the streets (Fischer 1969; Litvin and Brewer 2008). Movement and interactions in urban spaces creates a connectivity that facilitates the exchange of ideas and constructs intricate social dynamics.

The Growth of the Urban South: Flourishing Tourism to Civil War Era Starvation

Antebellum ideals of abundance, grandeur, and elegance at southern dinner tables stimulated culinary developments. As urban elites gained their social footing, they relied heavily on their slaves to create impressive meals to retain their reputation (Vlach 1999; Ferris 2014). The economic growth from the slave trade coupled with the benefits of a convenient urban life led to an increase in population, the establishment of entertainment centers, and a rise in touristic activities in southern cities. The influx of visitors to the South created a newly energized market for entertainment schemes such as restaurants, prostitution, and theaters that provided places for relaxation and entertainment (Fischer 1969; Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Stanonis 2009; O’Malley 2017). Visitors were often surprised by the sheer amount of meat on the southern plate, specifically salt pork and smoked pork, which flaunted a perceived prosperity and comfort that was enjoyed in the South (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000). Wealthy plantation owners and their families would flee to the city during the summer to escape disease-carrying insects in the country and attend lavish parties, elegant balls, and enjoy the exciting company of people like themselves during the winter months (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000). Cities like Charleston and New Orleans gained a reputation for delicious recipes that were prepared with unique and ‘exotic’ ingredients (Litvin and Brewer 2008; Stanonis 2009). Through the writing of travelers to the South, an antebellum image of abundance which sold the South as a place to enjoy a unique and abundant culinary and social culture (Ferris 2014). The Civil War threatened the comfortable lives of affluent urbanites.

The conditions during the Civil War exacerbated class inequalities and highlighted the difficulty of the poor urban experience. Southern cities like Charleston, New Orleans, and Richmond grew their supply lines to support growing populations, but these routes became vulnerable spots during the war (Kimball 1961). Residents were dependent on their markets and grocery stores, so when the North targeted supply lines using the Anaconda Strategy, the port cities and economic centers of the South were essentially starved (Kimball 1961; Ekelund and Thornton 1992; Ferris 2014). The Civil War brought an end to the perceived laid-back prosperity of the antebellum. In these starved cities, the wealth disparities produced very different outcomes during this time of scarcity.

While the urban poor struggled to afford basic food necessities, the urban elites were able to generally retain their way of life due to their massive wealth (Ekelund and Thornton 1992; Ferris 2014). They turned to blockade runners to provide them with luxury items like coffee and tea, dresses, and bonnets, while Confederate soldiers and the metropolitan poor faced starvation (Ekelund and Thornton 1992). The urban elites refused to publicly show that the blockade affected them, so they continued to entertain rich friends despite increased prices (Ekelund and Thornton 1992; Ferris 2014). This behavior shows that even during times of great scarcity, social distinctions remain intact. In 1863, at least one thousand starving women and emaciated children in Richmond demanded food rations, resulting in a gathering deemed the Richmond Bread Riots, but aid did not come despite their pleas for help (Kimball 1961). For the elites, a city that always benefited them still supported their extravagant desires even during times of great shortage. Power relations and inequalities were cemented during the Civil War, as it became increasingly clear who ‘mattered’ in these areas.

Connecting Historic Roots to the Contemporary Urban South: Food Inequality and Modern Tourism

Cities of the South were built upon the institution of slavery and those roots are reflected in the economics and social spheres of present-day southern cities (Hargrove 2009). Southern cities support historical preservation efforts and generate income through their nostalgic tourism industries. One of the main attractions in southern cities, especially Charleston, is the touring of large plantations and impressive historic homes. Tourism marketing recalls images of an idyllic antebellum where white families can relax and see a glimpse of the former mock-aristocratic society full of entertainment and splendor (Volo J. and Volo D. 2000; Gotham 2007; Stanonis 2009). This utopian view of abundance and peace was only obtainable by rich white men; thus, this narrative blatantly ignores the reality of racial and economic inequality. This nostalgia for a past that never truly existed is used as justification for white historical preservation, and the silencing of all other histories (Kelting 2016). Improvements have been made in recent years to expand the narrative during tours to better represent the lives of slaves, but the focus remains on the owner and the grandeur of the home (Litvin and Brewer 2008). Tourists do not want to be weighed down by slave history, and instead are encouraged to view the beauty and greatness of historic homes as separate from the dark reality of the past. The narrative of the urban slave who influenced the building structure, made the home function, and who influenced the development of the city itself is now an afterthought (Litvin and Brewer 2008). Southern cities made changes to support tourism efforts by changing their image to attract visitors.

As contemporary tourism efforts increased, and fine dining options expanded, new residents flocked to the southern cities, resulting in the gentrification of neighborhoods, causing displacement (Deitz and Barber 2015; Edge 2017). Joe Riley served as mayor of Charleston for over ten terms and facilitated an increase in tourism through the redevelopment of parts of the city, which drew wealthy and white visitors to the city. Working class jobs in the city were in decline, but after Hurricane Hugo in 1989, the city did not work to increase job opportunities, rather public housing projects were closed which displaced lower income residents during a vulnerable time. Over the next decade, the black population dropped more than fifty percent (Edge 2017). In New Orleans urban renewal and clearing occurred after the city made efforts to rebrand itself to a high class white audience, leading to the destruction of poor neighborhoods (Hargrove 2009). The city was devastated by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and the unequal recovery of the city shows how natural disasters can highlight structural inequalities in cities. Poor, black, and single mother households were hit hardest by flooding as they lived in the most disaster-prone neighborhoods (Deitz and Barber 2015). Wealthy citizens in New Orleans were able to quickly recover and return to their lives while black citizens had a more difficult and long recovery, if they were able to financially return (Dietz and Barber 2015; Edge 2017). Gentrification and displacement show how a preference for whiteness leads to the destruction of community, and the erasure of the black urban experience (Gotham 2007; Hargrove 2009). When cities cater only to affluent white populations, communities of color are disrupted and changed until they are completely unrecognizable (Gotham 2007; Edge 2017). Neighborhoods that manage to resist gentrification face systemic inequalities.

Poor black communities face more issues of food access and poor nutrition than more affluent communities (Baker et al 2006; Black and Mackinko 2008; Ghosh-Dastidar et al 2014; Mckinny and Kato 2017). When food prices go up, poor communities are the ones who suffer the most. These communities are often in food deserts, which are spots in cities where there are barriers to food accessibility. While obesity rates in the United States have increased overall, they have increased disproportionately in poorer neighborhoods (Baker et al 2006; Black and Mackinko 2008; Ghosh-Dastidar et al 2014). Often unhealthy fast food is the best option for low income families, and fast food corporations specifically target them in their marketing strategies (Black and Mackinko 2008; Ghosh-Dastidar et al 2014). Southern cities that hope to work towards an equitable social fabric must first address the systemic barriers that still exist (Mckinny and Kato 2017). The contemporary southern city remains a place that first serves the needs of the wealthiest and whitest class.

Discussion

During the antebellum, new recipes emerged due to the culinary expertise of slave cooks, but the white owners were the ones who received the praise. The South was sold as a culinary destination where these new recipes with ‘exotic’ ingredients could be tasted. The black labor made this budding tourism industry prosper, but the white narrative monopolized the conversation as visitors to the South perceived wealthy southerners as the keepers of this new commodity culture. In the modern selling of the South, there is a preference for the white consumer and visitor, which is a result of decades of systemic racism and blatant intolerance that formed the foundation of southern cities and matured during the Antebellum Era and the Civil War.

The extravagant urban homes of rich slave-owners are used to support the modern tourism industry, but tours favor and protect the image of the homeowner. With a muddled and messy history, efforts are made to increase the marketability of cities by making difficult history more easily digestible to visitors. The reality of slaveowner’s racist beliefs are downplayed to keep visitors coming, thus the positive display of white history is more important than the narratives of urban slaves who suffered under these men. Tours distance the vacationer from a heated racial past and create an industry that makes it safe to enjoy pleasurable white history. Furthermore, as cities, such as New Orleans, positioned themselves to promote their tourism economy, urban renewal projects cleared poor black neighborhoods they deemed unimportant. The new urban South had to chip away at parts they did not want to show in the same way that rich urbanites distanced themselves from the perceived dirtiness of undesirable slave and poor areas during the antebellum. Black narratives and lives are viewed as incompatible when telling the white history of the South, just as slave lives were incompatible with the built-up image of southern high society life.

Money, power, and a stable and abundant food supply, all courtesy of the slave system, allowed white men to dominate southern society during the antebellum. Men grabbed power and weaved an exclusionary society in their pursuit, which has persisted. An image was carefully crafted based off the lives of high society men, where poverty and the realities of slavery were removed, leaving only an idyllic image of a pleasurable urban life. However, the scarcity during the Civil War shows that this utopian lifestyle was not achieved by everyone. The urban poor struggled to survive while urban elites maintained their lifestyle through the privilege of their social standing (Ekelund and Thornton 1992; Ferris 2014). The silencing of poor mouths during Civil War starvation is analogous to impoverished areas in southern cities today who suffer while their needs are ignored. Food and nutritional inequalities of southern cities today mirror disparities of the past as they are based in a racist and elitist social fabric that has yet to be dismantled. Current scholarship has yet to thoroughly identify the similarities between inequalities of the past and the modern day.

Conclusion

The forced movement of slaves and the growing rural to urban migration during the antebellum era resulted in an increase in cultural exchanges, triggering a culinary revolution in the South. Rich white urbanites depended on their slaves to produce their extravagant lives full of opulence and entertainment that became characteristically southern. The carefully manicured image of the antebellum was focused on well-off white men, thus ignoring the narratives of the diverse populations that made up the rest of the city. The actions by these men further developed ideas of class and race superiority in the South. Modern food dynamics and tourism cater to and reflect white nostalgia, demonstrating the preference for affluent white southern history. The contemporary discrimination against lower income communities of color in cities are inherently tied to the institution of slavery that spurred the South’s growth. There has been a long history of white elites silencing and hiding communities who differ from them, and those inequalities are seen in food access and city planning because it is the poorest neighborhoods that need the most help to survive, but who receive the least. The examination of southern cities exposes deeply rooted problems that explain how the past can be seen in contemporary inequality.

Works Cited

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A Famished Demise

By Courtney Ferraro

Introduction

The American Civil War involved four long years of fighting, starvation, deaths, fleeing and destruction. As Northern Union forces and eleven Southern states attempting to secede from the Union battled over the economics of slavery and the political control over that system, much of our country experienced extreme turmoil and hardships like they had never before (History Editors 2010). These Southern states were consumed with the institution of slavery mainly due to the fact that agriculture fueled their economy, which they needed slave labor for, and their blatant racism, with most Southerners believing that blacks were lower than them and should not have the same rights and freedoms as whites did. After many years of fighting, sacrifice, and struggle, the South finally surrendered to Union forces in 1865, signaling the end to a very long war (History Editors 2010). As many factors contributed to this ultimate surrender, which included inferior resources, lack of commendable leadership, insufficient numbers, internal divisions, and a loss of collective will as the years went on, one may argue that the role food played throughout the war may have had the most significant impact of all (Zebrowski 1999). When looking at the numerous factors that contributed to the Confederacy’s defeat in the Civil War, it is apparent that food, and its importance to the Southern economy and Southern people, played the most significant role in the inevitable fall of the Confederate Army.

One thing the South has always taken great pride in throughout its history is their Southern food, with all its abundance, flavor, and uniqueness. As the war broke out in 1861 and waged on for four years, Southern people saw a drastic change in their food and food systems from the very beginning. A number of factors played a role in the major food shortages the South felt during the Civil War. These factors included an advancing union front, which disrupted interstate and intrastate trade, the destruction of major salt mines, food speculation and profiteering, hoarding, inflation, confiscation of food from civilians in order to feed soldiers, and the ruin of plantations, livestock, and crops (Tunc 2017). The North’s knowledge of the South’s food vulnerability contributed to the shifts in Union strategies, those of which proved fatal to the Confederacy and their ultimate defeat (Smith 2011). The intentional destroying of crops, farm animals and equipment, agricultural production, and storage facilities, all contributed to the massive desertions of plantations and rural areas during the last couple months of war, by both white civilians and African Americans. Accompanying these desertions was a burdened morale as many civilians back home, both black and white, were struggling the same copious amount as the soldiers starving on the battlefield (Ferris 2014). Much of the study and research done on this topic suggests food contributed an integral role in forcing the South to submit to Union forces and accept defeat. This resignation put an end to the Southern deprivation as they could not suffer through it any longer.

Literature Analysis

When the Civil War broke out in 1861, food served as a powerful lens to wartime as everyone shared similar experiences and struggles no matter their race or class (Krug 1990; Ferris 2014). As scholar Tanfer Tunc has studied and analyzed this moment in history, she points out how food scarcity during the war was an immediate and constant problem until the Confederates surrender in 1865 (Tunc 2017). The beginning of the South’s food struggle began with many strategies and tactics implemented by the North that specifically targeted the South’s food supply. “Starving the South” became the North’s prime focus as they knew it would be the most efficient and effective way to defeat the Confederacy (Smith 2011; Ferris 2014) We see many Union tactics imposed from the very beginning of war, all having an immediate impact on what everyone knew to be most important to the South and Southern people: food. The ultimate fall of the Confederacy was impacted by a number of reasons, but nothing was more detrimental to them than the hit they took to their beloved food and food production, inevitably leading to their fall.

Much of the literature engaging the Civil War and what led to the South’s defeat, begins with the numerous Union tactics inflicted on the Confederate Army. As soon as the Civil War commenced, the federal government imposed a blockade on the states that were attempting to secede from the Union, halting the export of many vital goods and products to the South such as, military equipment, supplies, and food (Smith 2011). As a result of this immediate blockade, the amount of food that reached the confederate armies reduced a substantial amount, which the whole army endured (Smith 2011; Ferris 2014). This Union blockade not only prevented food from reaching the Confederate soldiers, but also deterred coastal shipping, which the Union enforced by patrolling the rivers with gunboats, preventing goods from other countries making their way into the South, creating another obstacle for the Confederacy (Smith 2011). Due to the blockade, food production was majorly altered in the South as they relied heavily on the North for supplies, such as seeds for planting and growing food, which caused wheat and flour to diminish almost entirely. This resulted in people of all classes having to eat food and proportions that were previously considered slave helpings, diminishing the moral of most white Southerners both at war and back home (Ferris 2014; Tunc 2017). An outcome of these unfortunate circumstances caused the railroad and roadways to become a vital part of transporting goods, troops, and military equipment throughout the South (Smith 2011). When the Union army got word of the South’s frequent use of the railroads, they immediately began to destroy them in different areas while other areas of railroad track eventually deteriorated on their own from the excessive use. This destruction and withering brought even more difficulty in supplying food to Confederate soldiers and many were beginning to wonder if things were ever going to get better (Smith 2011). As the Union slowly came to the realization that food would be the most salient way of breaking down the Confederacy and forcing them to surrender, Union forces began to attack the Confederates foundation: the home front.

One major Union tactic that greatly affected the South during the war was the confiscation of food and goods by the Union Soldiers from the Confederate army and civilians in the South. The North knew to defeat the South it had to severely diminish its access to food, therefore Union soldiers took everything they could from civilians when they raided cities, towns, and plantations (McCurry 2010; Tunc 2017). Many border-states, such as Kentucky, and large Confederate cities were the first to be hit by Union forces. Scholar Steve McCurry details the personal struggles of those who shared their home with the battlefield as he quotes one North Carolina woman explaining how, “troops took every scarce item of food she owned, down to the last hog” (McCurry 2010, 129). Along with sieging food in Confederate states, Union soldiers destroyed crops purposed for harvest in the summer and fall so if the war happened to last any longer than they expected, the South would have little to no food grown for consumption (Smith 2011; Tunc 2017). As military campaigns became more and more popular and sieges of big towns, such as Mississippi, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, as well as other river towns prevented food from entering causing many of them to surrender to the Union Army, diminishing the Confederate Army as a whole little by little (Smith 2011; Martyris 2015). Union troops knew how important food and food production was to the South’s economy and Southern people therefore, research highlights, the confiscation of food and means of food production impaired not only the Southern economy but also took a hard hit on the pride of many Southerners, especially Southern elites. In addition to these tactics, another crucial component that contributed to the inevitable demise of the Confederacy was the importance and destruction of salt during the conflict.

As multiple sources touch on the importance of salt during this time, many of them point out the major contribution it had on the food blockade and how Southerners experienced some of the most severe food shortages in 1863 when the South’s salt supply was destroyed by Union attacks on important salt mines (Krug 1990; Davis 2003; Ferris 2014; Martyris 2015). Salt was an element of main importance in the diet of the South as it helped preserve meat and was something Southerners were accustomed to flavoring their food with so without it food was very bland and much different from what most Southerners were used to (Lonn 1964; Ferris 2014 Martyris 2015). Sources of salt supply, such as mines and plantations with vast amounts of the product, were repeatedly objects of attack and capture by the Union who found these large quantities and either destroyed them or took it for themselves (Lonn 1965; Ferris 2014). As a result of these casualties on the salt supply, much of the food that the Confederate soldiers did receive, such as meat and butter, spoiled very quickly from the harsh Southern heat with no way to preserve it all. This lack of resources and means of preservation caused the Army to run out of food at a much faster rate than they had before, contributing to their growing hunger and will to keep going (Martyris 2015). The damage done to these salt mines and the resulting effects it has on the soldiers and civilians, highlights how important salt was to Southerners and their food, being such a vital thing to their diets even though it seems a meniscal thing when looking at the larger picture. These numerous Northern tactics, discussed in the literature, and the lack of food in the South not only took a toll on Confederate soldiers but also affected those at home in many ways, not only in the South but borderland states as well who shared their home with the battlefield.

As the Union continued to employ blockade and starvation tactics on the Confederate Army, civilians who remained at home in the South, as well as in states who shared their home with the battlefield, began to see the results of war as their pantries and stomachs both panged for food. Confederate leaders knew their reliance and survival was dependent on imported food from home so they began to push Southerners to shy away from cotton and grow more crops instead (Smith 2011). Food production for the first year of war soared on plantations, with white women, for the first time, doing field work in the absence of their sons and husbands (Smith 2011; Hurt 2016). Although civilians who remained home were trying their best to survive, the confiscation of food and supplies, the destruction of crops, as well as the continuing rise of inflation began to take a toll on the many struggling at home and the hardships eventually became too much for them to handle (Krug 1990). Wartime hardships and the absence of men weighed heavily on civilians back home, especially the women who were now handling much more than they were used to, and a lot of them began to lose hope as the war dragged on. A number of these obstacles many faced as a result of Union strategies included: shortages of food, clothing and other necessities all paired with the major inflation that was taking place, as a result of food hoarding and speculation (Krug 1990; Smith 2011). Some of these negative effects of war were also seen on borderland states even though they sided with the Union (Tunc 2017). States such as Kentucky suffered the same fate as Southern states when it came to conflict and civilian diet as a result of their front yards becoming the warfront (Smith 2011; Tunc 2017). As women continued to face adversity and food prices continued to soar, they decided to take matters into their own hands, which resulted in food riots breaking out in many cities across the South (Krug 1990; McCurry 2010; Smith 2011). Those who rioted wanted only to be able to purchase enough food to feed their families at reasonable prices so they resorted to rioting before “seeking the dole” (Krug 1990, 139). These Southern women, who had lived such cushioned, privileged lifestyles for so long became blindsided during this time of conflict, lost and unable to take care of themselves and their children with the men away at war. Eventually, these Southerners began abandoning their plantations, and with Union soldiers confiscating livestock, crops, and food, and riots breaking out across cities exhibited the major effects of this war on the home front. With so much of this war being felt at home, there was not much time or energy for civilians to be supportive and encouraging of those on the battlefield which eventually led to a battered morale of the men and boys away at war who received letters from wives and mothers begging them to come home and save them from their suffering (Davis 2003; Smith, 2011).

During the last few months of war conditions became unbearable for soldiers and even civilians at home as they all struggled with hunger and famine. As many scholars discuss, the toll this war was taking on soldiers within the Confederacy and in Confederate states, was expressed through documentation in diaries, letters, and even cookbooks from the time, written mostly by white soldiers and white women back home (Davis 2003; Martyris 2015). Every diary entry and letter written to the press or to their loved ones, commented more and more on the awfulness of the diets they were forced to have more than anything else the men were suffering through (David 2003). One of the only Southern cookbooks from the time highlighted these struggles as they called for many recipes that “adapted to the times” and excluded many important ingredients that they just did not have access to (Martyris 2015). As the Confederate Army had a harder time delivering food and supplies to troops, the soldiers were on the verge of starvation, and sickened by the lack of nutritious food, contaminated water and rotten meat. (Ferris 2014). As a result of the meager rations and poor quality of food, many scholars noted how more and more soldiers began to leave their units in search of food, medical care, and shelter over on Union territory (Smith 2011; Ferris 2014). As the Confederacy continued to lose men from starvation, famine, and fleeing for the Union, Confederate numbers took a hit and those that were able to continue fighting had little to no energy from the lack of sustenance to keep them going (Lonn 1965). As research highlights this struggle with the growing shortage of soldiers and the energy and will to fight, we see how the lack of food began to spiral into new setbacks for the Confederate army, those of which could not be easily resolved. As the war was a nightmare in many ways, and even with the onset of forward-looking techniques in food preservation, the Civil War was essentially a “bad dream on a plate”, for everyone South of the Mason-Dixon line (Davis 2003). As both soldiers and civilians greatly struggled and faced many obstacles throughout this war, it is undeniably clear that slaves at this time suffered the greatest trials of all.

Much of the literature regarding enslaved peoples during war notes how hunger was the face of the many former and current slaves who had little to no food for survival and no means of earning the money to buy food, both at home and on the battlefield (Smith 2011; Berdanier 2015). The Southern code of honor, that was majorly apparent throughout the South, was so engrained in the minds of Southerners that it even held up in a time of war with blacks preparing meals, washing and folding linens, and polishing silverware for whites (Ferris 2014). As white soldiers and white civilians on plantations were suffering and starving, it was insurmountable that they were worried about slaves being fed adequately, therefore, African American soldiers and those back home often felt the worst of the food shortages (Ferris 2014; Berdanier 2015). Along with the problems of hunger and disease, blacks also struggle with continued racism, lower pay, fewer benefits, and a poorer quality of food compared to their white counterparts (Berdanier 2015).  As a result of these additional battles blacks at the time were faced with, many slaves left their units and crossed enemy lines to fight for the union or look for better opportunities (Smith 2011). Slaves that remained on plantations during the war felt similar effects to those fighting, causing them to be less willing to complete the tasks they were once forced into. With a multitude of slaves refusing to do the labor that was expected of them, many plantations struggled to stay operating (Smith 2011).

Slaves that remained on plantations during the war received even less rations than those at war, although many sources fail to detail just how much and of what quality these rations differed (Ferris 2014). As a consequence of war struggles, according to certain literature, many enslaved cooks began demanding the same quality of food their mistresses ate as they were all in the same predicament and now had the option and opportunity to flee these plantations for the North if they desired (Ferris 2014; Berdanier 2015). The fleeing of many enslaved persons during the war greatly affected and took a toll on both the soldiers and the home front, as it decreased Confederate numbers and there was not free labor on plantations back at home, forcing white women to pick up the slack. Although there was a large quantity of enslaved African Americans that fled during war, many whites reflected on how normal and well-behaved blacks who remained in the South acted towards them, the loss of their free labor, however, largely impacted the South in terms of food preparation and service (Ferris 2014). With the loss of slaves escaping to the North, accompanied by the many white soldiers also fleeing for Union territory as they got tired of deprivation, Confederate numbers began to decrease significantly and the South inevitably began to taste defeat. Although many sources briefly discuss the role and effect enslaved people had on this war, firsthand accounts and specific slave narratives seem to be excluded or undermined in many sources regarding the Civil War, narratives which would surely provide even more evidence to the reasons the South was defeated.

Although many factors played into the Confederate’s defeat, hunger and the threat of famine was the chief motivating force for ending the conflict (Smith 2011; Ferris 2014). It took many years to repair the damage done to the South as a result of this war but the many reparations on producing and distributing food, as well as the damage done to the South’s pride, remained for many generations after their surrender and is still, in many ways, felt today (Hurt 2016).

Discussion

The results of this research reveal that food’s vital role and its importance to the lives of Southern people, the South’s economy, and the North’s knowledge and use of this importance, played a significant role in the eventual fall of the Confederacy. The resulting consequences of Union tactics, effects on civilians, and suffering soldiers, all led to the defeat of the Confederate army, leaving lasting outcomes that were felt for many generations after the war ended, some of which are still apparent to this day. As much research notes, the North’s tactic of cutting off trade and Southern ports, halting the import of many goods and seeds for growing food, as well as many other products, from entering the South, was the first in a series of unfortunate events that all led to civilians, slaves, and soldiers starving for food and an end to this conflict (Smith 2011; Ferris 2014; Berdanier 2015). As the ramifications of the stoppage in food supply and the confiscation of food and supplies by Union soldiers began to hit home, researchers Carolyn Berdanier and Donna Krug, note the toll that was taken on civilians, especially the women, who had to do a great deal more than they were accustomed to before the war began (Krug 1990; Berdanier 2015). These white women, now in charge of whole plantations and the slaves that worked them, began to taste what others groups in the South had been suffering through for way too long, specifically the struggles of slaves who had been bearing these conditions long before any war commenced.

Although mentioned in scholarly work, there is a lack of attention into the suffering and treatment of slaves during this time, which seems odd as they clearly played an important role throughout the South and the war. Black women and children that remained on plantations received even less rations than they did before the war commenced, however, with white women suffering, hungry, and longing for their men to come back from war, their last concern was their slaves receiving enough food to sustain themselves. As a consequence many slaves refused to execute the labor that was expected of them, forcing these white women to step up and do the work themselves (Ferris 2014). With the presumed struggle these enslaved women suffered during the Civil War, one would think there would be more personal accounts or documentation on how much they were actually suffering and how they coped with these struggles. Similarly, to those enslaved on plantations, scholar Jim Downs notes the struggles enslaved black men experienced both on the battlefield and at home, as they attempted to free themselves and their families from these war chains by escaping to the North. Many black men fled the South’s turmoil for the Union with their families because they were promised shelter, food, clothing, and other basic necessities the South was unable to provide. When they crossed over onto Union territory, however, very rarely did they receive these promises, often times resulting in them becoming another casualty of war (Downs 2012). As many scholars believe, much of African American history in the Civil War is inaccessible or unavailable, as many claim there are not many records or documentation of specific blacks in the war, neither written about them or by them. Downs provides evidence that suggests these scholars are not looking hard enough or in the right places and in actuality there are numerous artifacts containing the history of blacks in the war and it is only the loss of African American soldiers and civilians that was often not accounted for properly (Downs 2012). Instead, many of these African American lives lost were not considered casualties in documentation or counted as soldiers who died in the war, but rather as ‘contraband’ or ‘refugees’, diminishing their role and importance during this time (Downs 2012). The research done on this topic highlights that these scholars still fail to provide detailed insights and accounts on the effects the lack of food and other basic necessities had on blacks at the time. Excluded also are personal narratives of African Americans from the time, even though one may argue many of them were illiterate, there has to be some form of documentation about their personal struggles, what they did to end their suffering, and how the loss of African American soldiers proved fatal for the Confederate Army.

This four-year conflict between the Confederacy and the Union proved fatal for the South. The numerous factors leading to major food shortages and the eventual defeat of the Confederate Army, transformed the South in major ways and had lasting consequences that were felt for many generations to follow. With over four million slaves transforming into citizens, finally gaining rights and recognition as people, the rural, agricultural plantation South took a significant hit. For years their economy, means of food production, and yield relied heavily on their racial caste system and slave labor, which dominated the United States government during most of the time before 1860 (Mcpherson 2010). In the years following, white Southerners had to find a new means of producing and preparing their beloved food, as they now lacked the free labor they once had. Along with these new duties and the loss of slave labor, whites also had to come to terms with blacks being equal to them, which many refused to accept and some not accepting this change even today. As many generations passed, consequences resulting from the loss were still very much felt in the South as many struggled with reconstruction after the war. Even though Southerners had to come up with new techniques and machines in order to produce and prepare food for themselves, the South failed to develop in comparison to the North’s growth in industrialization and technology (Mcpherson 2010). Although many scholars note and document the South’s fall, they fail to include what became of those that remained after the dust had settled and things started to become somewhat ‘normal’ for them again. It remained a question for many years following the end of conflict, and still somewhat a question today whether or not the South and Southern people would ever get back to the antebellum South they romanticized so much. In the many generations that followed, Southern people had a very difficult time dealing with the loss of slave labor that was so vital to their economy and lives that many, as we still even to this day, found a way to deal with this problem. Even though the institution of slavery became illegal, the idea of it never really ended, it was merely altered, as Southerners eventually found new laborers to mistreat, underpay, and look down upon.

This violent upheaval of the Civil War demolished many Southern institutions and notions, especially in the case of food production and preparation. The continued loss in food supply during the Civil War eventually led to the ultimate surrender of the Confederate army, and a general feeling of loss as a whole in the South that many still feel and hold onto today. As many scholar’s study, research, and write about this ugly stain in America’s history, they continue to disregard many narratives of those who did not have a voice at the time, including their suffering and ultimate sacrifices. The lasting consequences of this war displayed in the South, as well as in their food and food systems, are embedded in the many factors that contributed to their loss, consequences that should be acknowledged and documented when discussing the ways in which food defeated the Confederacy.

Conclusion

Although countless factors, such as poor leadership, insufficient resources, internal divisions, along with soldiers and enslaved peoples fleeing for enemy lines all contributed to the South surrendering to the Union, food proved to play a key role in their ultimate demise, leaving many Southerners, and the South as a whole, famished, broken down, and shamed. As the main Northern tactic was to starve the South, ports and means of transportation were blocked off, halting the import of goods. This immediate tactic initiated the major struggle with gaining access to sufficient quality food to feed soldiers, making food scarcity an instantaneous struggle. Along with the blockade came a shortage of salt as Union Armies destroyed or confiscated major salt mines and supplies in the South, an ingredient very vital to preserving meat and adding flavor to bland food. As soldiers on the battlefield continued to struggle with hunger, civilians on the home front were also feeling the harsh effects of war. Union soldiers raided towns and cities, taking as much food and supplies as they could find, inflation continued to rise, and morale increasingly dropped for both civilians and soldiers as time progressed. Despite clear differences, food in pre-Civil War South was a universal language that all races, classes, genders, regions, and religions understood (Ferris 2014). Post-Civil War South, this statement remained true as all grappled with the outcomes of the war, the damage to their precious food and food systems, and the battered home they were left with when all was concluded.

As this topic continues to be studied and assessed, we need to pay more attention to the personal narratives of the many enslaved peoples who played a role in this war and how these roles effected the outcome. As we still see people of color struggling with poverty and starvation in the South today, it may be of importance to assess where this struggle stemmed from and how little has changed for a multitude of people, specifically those of color, over the many generations since the war has ended. Along with looking at the lasting effects of a specific group, the South, in many ways, still feels many outcomes of the war even today. Further research may contribute to how the war changed our country as a whole for the better in the end yet include how the South drew the short end of the stick as many of the lasting consequences are felt by both the people and the economy to this day.

Works Cited

Berdanier, C. 2015. Hunger and the civil war. In Nutrition Today 50(4): 209-213.

Davis, W. 2003. A taste for war: The culinary history of the blue and gray. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books.

Downs, J. 2012. Sick from freedom: African American illness ad suffering during the civil war and reconstruction. New York: Oxford University Press.

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