The American South is defined by its celebrated traditions and controversial history. As opposed to using its geographical features to define the region’s borders, southerners use their culture as a way of differentiating themselves from the rest of nation. This is done through the practice of notable traditions, recipes, religion, and much more. Despite its problematic past, southerners take pride in their culture, and when people left the region during the Great Migration, they took their practices with them to their new homes throughout the country as a way of further demonstrating their admiration (Timmons, 2011; Ferris 2014). This has not only resulted in the expansion of southern culture but has also led to outsiders desiring to take part in these practices. This desire has been exploited by companies, driving an increase of marketing of the South.

Since the late 19th and early 20th centuries, various marketing strategies have been used to sell the culture of the American South. Through evoked feelings of nostalgia and authenticity, companies have attempted to appeal to the American consumer in order to lure them into buying their products. However, as the following essays will illustrate, the marketing of southern food is often based on the racial prejudices that characterize the South. Prejudice and the idea of black inferiority plays a major role in the marketing of the southern culture (Ferris 2014). Some companies have commodified black culture by using racial stereotypes for profit with no regard to racial tensions. But even as African Americans have been incorporated into the marketing of southern food, albeit in derogatory ways, oftentimes minorities are overlooked altogether as a response to racial tensions. Either way, the South’s nostalgia for the ‘Old South,’ a period marked by white power, has played a major role in the marketing of southern food.

“America Is Southern,” written by Treana Baker, examines the Southern origins of certain American traditions and explores how these traditions expanded beyond the South’s borders. Due to the Great Migration, southerners practiced their beloved traditions in their new homes throughout the nation, and as a result, greatly influenced the construction of American culture. Unfortunately, these traditions have been so overly practiced, that their origins are often forgotten or the credit given is miniscule.

“Servin’ up Racism: Black Exploitation and Stereotyping in Food Advertisements,” written by Sherronda Robinson, analyzes the use of racial stereotypes to sell food products. By examining the history of food companies like Aunt Jemima and Popeyes, the author looks into the ways in which stereotypical advertisement techniques were used to run successful businesses. Advertisements and visual media often exploit black culture and utilize derogatory racial stereotypes to appeal to both black and white consumers. Corporations like these have a history deeply rooted in prejudice and discrimination. These stereotypes have had a great impact on society especially in the African American community and the marketing industry, where there is a lack of diversity. In 2011, a study conducted by Madison Avenue Project found that African Americans made up less than 10% of advertising managers and professionals (Adage 2011). The small number of African Americans in the marketing industry make many black employees uncomfortable to speak out against the stereotypical portrayal of African Americans in media.

Just as various food companies have been rooted in discrimination, so too have many magazine companies. “The Use of Food in Southern Living as a Reflection of the Ideals of the Old South,” written by Sarah Dail, examines the repercussions of establishing one of the most recognizable regional magazines on the idea of creating a positive portrayal of the South. Since the first publication of Southern Living in 1966, the food articles included in the magazine have undergone limited changes in regard to their content. While the magazine has incorporated trendy recipes to keep up with consumer demands, the ingredients are often inaccessible to those of a lower economic status. Additionally, Southern Living has avoided the social tensions stemming from race and gender, and has often failed to include positive and progressive representations, or any representations, of minorities. These issues echo the magazine’s preoccupation with antebellum ideals as a means of portraying the South in a positive light.

Works Cited

Adage. 2011. “Minneapolis’ Brandlab Aims to Diversify Ad World’s Future“ Accessed November 13, 2018. https://adage-com.ezproxy.umw.edu/article/news/minneapolis-brandlab-aims-diversify-advertising-s-future/147955/

Ferris, Marcie C. 2014. The Edible South: The Power of Food and the Making of an American Region. The University of North Carolina Press.

Timmons, Greg. 2011. “How Slavery Became the Economic Engine of the South” History.com

From Barbecue to Politics: The Whole United States is Southern

By Treana Baker

America could be considered a melting pot, due to the large amount of cultures that exist within the region, and it is this variety of cultures that define American culture. However, the American South has also been tremendously influential in constructing today’s American culture. From the traditions we practice to the food we consume to the construction of gender roles and our government, all have been significantly influenced by Southern culture. Nevertheless, it is imperative to understand why the South has been so influential and how it has influenced American culture.

The American South is historically known for it’s controversial past. The roots of Southern history exist in slavery (Timmons 2018). The South proudly used slaves as means for building its economy, yet unintentionally created division within the country (Stanley 2011). Once slavery ended, black southerners sought to create new lives for themselves and their families and migrate to unfamiliar territory. As a result of the migration of southerners, primarily black southerners fled the hardships of the South. Although they were fleeing a hostile environment, leaving a land where they had called home led to them feeling nostalgic about the positive events that they encountered in the South. This nostalgic feeling led to southerners practicing their beloved traditions outside of the South, thus resulting in southern culture being expanded beyond the South’s border and being incredibly influential in constructing American culture through food, gender roles, familial power dynamics, race and religion (Ferris, 104).

When discussing the culture of America, it is important to question the origin of the traditions and foods that we participate in everyday. America is often referred to as “a melting pot”; however, it is necessary to know what this “pot” is comprised of. Moreover, one must question what is truly authentic to American culture, and what has been so overly practiced, that as Americans, we forget where these traditions originated.

America’s multicultural identity comes from the immigrants who have traveled to the country and fused their cultures together to shape what we call American culture. Despite this, a large fraction of the immigrants who have traveled here, were brought here involuntarily (US Census, 1860). In fact, the US Census of 1860 reports that there were approximately 3,950, 000 slaves living in slaveholding states and that number had increased from 2,627,000 in 1850.

Historically, America was a divided nation: the Abolitionary North and the Confederate South (Stanley, 2011). Southerners used enslaved people that were brought internationally as a way of establishing an economy for the new nation; however, once freed, these immigrants moved out of the South and brought their cultures with them all over the nation (History.com 2010).

Marcie Cohen Ferris creates a new term for this Great Migration, calling it “southern black diaspora” (Ferris, 104). She uses this term to discuss how African Americans left the South to escape the hardships that the region was experiencing, now that the former Plantation South was no longer benefiting from the work of enslaved people. As these people moved away from adversity, they took their traditions and family recipes with them to new places such as, Chicago and Los Angeles, where they resided in hopes of recreating the “safe nostalgia” that they once experienced (Atkins-Sayre, 79). If it had not been for this Great Migration, southern dishes like collard greens and macaroni and cheese, would not be easily accessible in places like Chicago or Los Angeles, like they are today (Ferris, 104). This expansion of Southern food is what Atkins-Sayre identifies as the Southern Food Movement. If not for this Southern Food Movement, the cherished recipes that Americans have adapted to their everyday meals may not have left the South and expanded throughout the country.

To further investigate the accessibility of southern food, Adrian Miller conducted an informal study where she traveled the United States for a year and visited a total of 150 different soul food restaurants in 35 different cities to examine the current status of these restaurants. If not for southern black diaspora, Miller may have not have been able to travel cross-country and consume southern food, thus supporting Atkins-Sayre and Stokes’ theory of the Southern Food Movement. However, in chapter 3 of Miller’s book, she calls the Southern Food Movement, the “Southern Cooking era.” Miller also discusses a nostalgic feelings associate with food, similar to Atkins-Sayre Stokes’ point about the feeling of a “safe nostalgia,” stating that these dishes served as an “emotional purpose” for migrants across the country (Miller, 8).

With the migration of African Americans out of the south and the expansion of southern food, debates arose out of who would replace the responsibilities that enslaved people once had. Thus the new role of women and the distribution of power began in the South, but also spread throughout the nation.

In Chapter 3 of The Edible South, Ferris further examines the role of women. She studies the written accounts of Southern women during slavery. According to one of these women, Typhrena Fox, who claims that she taught enslaved women how to properly clean and cook; consequently, the credit for these domestic skills was given to the woman of the house. Certainly if the lady of the home was responsible for teaching and training enslaved women how to properly clean and cook, then she too was capable of taking the place of the freed women. Therefore, when slavery ended women were the ones expected to continue the upkeep of the home, which Ferris calls “municipal housekeeping” in chapter 8 (Ferris, 111).

However, this theory of “municipal housekeeping” is not just something that we see expected of southern women, but it is something that we see expected of women throughout the country. Although this role has significantly changed, women are still expected to maintain her wifely duties, in addition to the other responsibilities she may have in other realms (Lantara 2015). Moreover, along with this responsibility also comes anxieties of meeting the anticipated expectations.

In Psyche Williams-Forson’s article, More than Just the “Big Piece of Chicken”, she examines black comedian, Chris Rock’s comedy routine and analyzes the structure of the common American home, in which the larger piece of food was reserved for the man of the house. According to Williams-Forson, this is because the man of the house is expected to go to work and once he returns home, his wife is required to fulfill her “municipal housekeeping” duty of cooking and giving him the largest portion of food. This example not only supports Ferris’ theory of “municipal housekeeping”, but also creates a clear distinction of power dynamics within a household.

This structure of familial power provides an example of the overall construction of power started in the South. During Reconstruction, freed people had power that they did not have before, thus arose discussion of how African Americans would now fit in society. This ultimately led to the struggle for power and opportunity for African Americans in the South.

In Southern History as U.S. History, Laura Edwards describes this struggle for equality as “Black Reconstruction” (Edwards, 551). Edwards argues that while African Americans struggled to gain their power back as well as become acclimated with their new lives as freedmen, white southerners only increased their mental sense of racial superiority. She states that this psychological feeling acted as a victory, while they were experiencing other defeats to African Americans. This feeling that Edwards discusses is certainly an opinion that is seen beyond the South; however this example of power is not also seen within southern religious traditions.

Paul Harvey argues that during this conflict of power, Christian white southerners were forced to say that all men were created to be equal of one another, despite their belief in preserving the social hierarchy that they formulated within their minds and forcibly implemented into their communities, which ultimately spread to the rest of the nation. However, with these conflicts, preachers, such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. began to speak encouraging sermons through out this time, which Harvey says culturally influenced American life. These sermons then became more than spiritual sayings, but also became political statements that were heard throughout the country. He states that, “southern religious expressive forms, with their deep intermixing of white and black forms and styles, became America’s cultural sensibility” (Harvey 2015). A prime example of this state of mind is still seen today within the nation. Feelings of racial superiority have spurred from unresolved racial tensions that are rooted in the South.

Through food, power, race and religion, the South has tremendously influenced American culture. Southern traditions began to become American traditions. In the late Edna Lewis’ article, What is Southern? she defines Southern culture by her own personal experiences using romantic language to demonstrate her adoration for the region in which she grew up. While reading her article, she provides verification for Atkins-Sayre, Stokes and Ferris’ theories of nostalgia, and it is this nostalgic feeling that allowed for southern cultures and traditions to spread across the country.

Experts like Ferris, Harvey, Atkins-Sayre, Stokes and Miller all agree that if it had not been for migrants feeling of homesickness and longing to remember the positive experiences they had in the South, these originally Southern traditions would not have made it out of the region and influence American culture. Studies such as the one conducted by Miller would not have been possible outside of the South. Their mutual agreement is based on the idea that as these people migrate to their new lives in a new region, their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia cause them to bring traditions and practices to the areas in which they travel. Whether this be where the migrants pass through or settle permanently, their traditions remained wherever they practiced them.

Though clear arguments are made that simultaneously prove that the South has indeed influenced American culture, there are some key factors that were overlooked within each of their arguments. These experts fail to examine three key points in comparing American culture to Southern culture: the ultimate question of why Southern culture has been so influential in America, what Southern traditions have become established American traditions and why the South is not given credit for creating what we call American culture. Perhaps it is because these so-called American traditions have become so normalized, that their primary origins have been forgotten or simply because we do not want to accept that the troublesome South produced something that is now useful.

Furthermore, these experts have overlooked how American holidays have also been influenced by Southern culture. From holiday menus to holiday traditions, these experts failed to mention how things such as, southern food, become established as traditional foods for holidays. For example, eating barbecue on holidays such as, the Fourth of July and Memorial Day have become an “American tradition”; however, barbecue is a technique that has originated in the South. With another example being Thanksgiving, it’s customary for American families to spend quality time with each other in the kitchen preparing a home cooked meal, a tradition the South has seemingly perfected and graciously gifted to the rest of the nation.

While researching American culture, there are a lot of themes that have originated from the South and expanded throughout the nation. Historically, these traditions were often praised and valued by those who visited the region. In Chapter 3 of The Edible South, Ferris studies northerners who visited the South during the antebellum era and wrote about the experiences in which they encountered. These northerners were utterly surprised by the different lifestyle that the South had, especially when it came to food and hospitality. Nonetheless, northerners did not ignore the use of slaves, but they were strongly encouraged to keep their opposing opinions to themselves and not speak of it, especially to anyone that may be hosting their stay (Ferris, 37),

However after the Civil War, tensions arose and resulted in many southerners, especially African Americans, leaving the region and migrating to other parts of the country due to the South transitioning from a plantation-based economy to a more inclusive economy, often called the Great Migration or as Ferris states, “southern black diaspora” (Ferris, 104). Thus resulted in the expansion of this Southern culture. A main theme that can is consistently discussed in research about what lead to this expansion of Southern culture is nostalgia, or “safe nostalgia,” as Atkins-Sayre and Stokes label it.

As southerners left their homes and abandoned the lives they once knew, the only thing they could bring beyond their belongings was their memories of positive things that they experienced while living in the South. Through this nostalgia, southerners began to take their traditions and recipes and practice them wherever they newly called home; this lead to others in these areas outside of the South to adopt these practices and claim them as their own.

Through this expansion of Southern culture, we begin to have access to this historic culture wherever we travel in the nation. Adrian Miller conducted an experiment where she traveled to 150 different cities in one year and found 35 different soul or southern food restaurants within these restaurants. However, if this “southern black diaspora” did not occur then the nostalgic feeling of being around familiar territory may not have occurred for these migrants, therefore a large portion of what we have claimed as fundamental to American culture, may not have existed. Therefore, Miller’s study could not have been conducted outside of the Southern region.

Consequently, the literature provided lacks in regards to certain details. Experts fail to determine what is authentic to American culture and why Southern culture practically dominates the “melting pot.” Often times, Americans, even experts, fail to truly realize that origins of their beloved family traditions and recipes, for example the holidays, most likely originated in the South.

This historic region is often not recognized for the tremendous impact that it has made within our culture, and when it is recognized for its contribution, the credit given is miniscule. We have taken these originally Southern traditions and recipes and incorporated them into our society for so long that their original identity has been forgotten. Though events such as the Great Migration were the result of unfortunate circumstances, the legacy that it has left has allowed for our country to integrate these practices into our American culture.

Works Cited

2010. “Great Migration” History.com

Atkins-Sayre, W. and A.Q. Stokes. 2014. “Crafting the Cornbread Nation.” Southern Communication Journal

Edwards, Laura. 2009. Southern History as U.S. History. Southern Historical Association

Ferris, Marcie Cohen. 2014. “The Edible South” (Chapters 3, 7, 8). Southern Studies of the University of North Carolina Press.

Harvey, Paul. 2015. “Race, Culture, and Religion in the American South.” Oxford Research Encyclopedias

Lantara, Niniek Fariati. 2015. “The Roles of Woman as Leader and Housewife” Journal of Defense Management

Lewis, Edna. 2008. “What is southern?” Gourmet Magazine

Miller, Adrian. 2013. “Soul Food: The Surprising Story of an American cuisine, One Plate at a Time” Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press

Stanley, Tim. 2011. “The American Civil War: A North-South Divide.” History Today

Timmons, Greg. 2011. “How Slavery Became the Economic Engine of the South” History.com

United States Census Bureau. 1860 Census: Population of the Unites States.

Williams-Forson, Psyche. 2008. “More than Just the ‘Big Piece of Chicken’: The Power of Race, Class, and Food in American Consciousness”. Food and Culture: A Reader

Servin’ up Racism: Black Exploitation and Stereotyping in Food Advertisements

By Sherronda Robinson

Introduction

It is 1893, a black woman is standing in front of a large crowd wearing an apron and bonnet. With her charming personality and big smile, she cooks and serves pancakes to thousands of anxious white consumers using her newly formulated ready-made pancake mix. White customers love her warm demeanor and southern charm so much, she sells over 50,000 flour orders for an up and coming breakfast company. This is the scene of the world’s fair in Chicago, Illinois where a former slave Nancy Green promoted Aunt Jemima pancakes.  Portraying a stereotypical African American mammy figure, Green, helped the Aunt Jemima company a popular food brand (Taylor n.d.)

Since the late 19th and early 20th centuries food companies have used racial stereotypes to sell their products. Older companies such as Aunt Jemima, Uncle Ben, Cream of Wheat, and newer companies like Popeye’s Chicken continue to use stereotypical advertisement techniques to run successful businesses. Corporations like these have a history that is deeply rooted  in prejudice and discrimination. These stereotypes have had a great impact on society especially in the African American community and the marketing industry.

Food companies have used racial stereotypes of African Americans to sell their products to white consumers serving as a reminder of the “good ole’ days” when blacks worked as slaves and later in other forms of menial labor. Furthermore, food companies have targeted African American consumers to tap into the black market. The use of racial stereotypes of African Americans persists today due to the lack of diversity in the marketing industry.

White Consumption and Nostalgia

Racial stereotypes in the food industry were a result of popular minstrel shows that began in the mid-19th century. Minstrels were America’s most popular form of entertainment. Performers dominated the stage and instantly became celebrities for their catchy tunes, fun dance styles, and comedy (Watkins 1996) .  White actors dressed in black face and portrayed African Americans as stupid, lazy, fat with exaggerated body features, and many other demeaning characteristics (Historyonthenet.com 2012). These portrayals of African Americans by white individuals were done to simplify and distort black culture (National Museum of African American History and Culture n.d.). White minstrel actors performed the role of the slave character to white audiences, serving as a reminder of slavery, white freedom, and nostalgia.

The use of  racial stereotypes gave white citizens the feeling of security in a world when racial lines began to blur as more African Americans entered predominantly white spaces. White Americans felt comforted as they watched white actors with darkened skin sing, dance, and perform menial task evoking memories of “simpler times” when African Americans worked for their masters on a plantation (University of South Florida n.d.).

White audiences enjoyed the misrepresentations of African American people and continued to pay for tickets to see shows commodifying blackness (Hale, 1998). Other industries saw the profits theater companies made by using black representation. As a result, African American images were used to sell products to white consumers across the United States. The use of racial stereotypes of African Americans to sell products in the United States began with printed trading cards in the 1870’s (Cornell University n.d.). Often, African Americans were portrayed in very derogatory ways. Many soap companies would depict African Americans washing away their “dirty” black skin to transform into the “more desirable” white Caucasian (Adage 2003).

The usage of black stereotypes in food advertisements began in 1889 when Chris Rutt and Charles Underwood of the Pearl Milling Company developed Aunt Jemima as the mascot for ready to make pancake mix (Auntjemima.com n.d.).  Former slave, Nancy Green, was hired to play the role of a traditional “mammy” to sell the Aunt Jemima product during the World Fair in Chicago. Advertisements spread across the United States with Nancy Green as the face of the infamous brand. She toured the states making pancakes for buyers, making her world debut at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, Illinois in 1893 (Auntjemima.com n.d.). Cohen refers to Green as the person who was able to remind customers of the nostalgic time of African Americans catering to the needs of their white counterparts (Cohen 2014).

Other products such as Cream of Wheat, is a breakfast cereal that was developed in the late 1800’s. The product displayed images Frank L. White as he portrayed a happy chef ready to serve a fresh batch of his delicious breakfast. The advertisement shows White holding up a sign that read:

“Maybe Cream of Wheat aint got no vitamines. I don’t know what them things is. If they’s bugs they aint none in Cream of Wheat but she’s sho’ good to eat and cheap. Costs ‘bout 1¢ fo’ a great big dish.”   -Rastus (Delegard 2013)

Rastus is a derogatory term used to identify a black man  who usually worked as a slave or servant (Dicitionary.com n.d.)  Rastus stereotypes were seen in minstrel shows as happy servants looking forward to catering to the needs of white individuals.

Advertisements and visual media exploit black culture and utilize racial stereotypes to appeal to white consumers. Media utilizes racial undertones and stereotypical representations to tell a story or appeal to former “glory.” Employment opportunities like cooks, domesticated workers, sharecroppers, custodial workers, and more were often given to African Americans because these occupations seemed to be the jobs they were best at fulfilling (Adage 2003). As a result, large corporations used images of African Americans as unskilled laborers in their advertisements for food and household appliances on radios, magazines, and television commercials. Stereotypes like their love for watermelon and fried chicken, as well their athletic abilities and dance skills continue to be used today to sell products.

The Marketing Switch

As the civil rights movement continued in the United States, tensions rose between citizens and the United States government to make changes in the social and political realms. Corporations saw themselves in the middle of the conflict. African Americans protested and resisted buying from businesses that went against their values of equality and justice. Yasmin Ibrahim concludes, there was a shift in the way businesses marketed their products to African Americans during the postwar era. As a result, companies’ profits dropped dramatically. Many of these companies took a “moral turn” after seeing the power and influence of African American shoppers (Ibrahim, 2016).

Between the 1950’s and 1970’s, there was an increase in African Americans in white collar fields. With the emergence of new technologies like television broadcasting, companies used their power to continue to push products on to African American consumers. Prominent African American figures, like Bill Cosby and later Mary J. Blige were hired by Jell-O and Burger King to be a spokesperson to attract African Americans to their businesses. Cruz writes, in the 1970’s, McDonald’s used advertisements in magazines displaying African American families at the dinner table eating a wholesome meal. It was during their “Get Down” campaign where McDonalds attempted to reach consumers. African American vernacular was used in many of the company’s commercials. Blacks were almost always given lines as if they only spoke broken English. Dropping the “g” off the end of a word was a common method used to appeal to African American consumers. For example, a popular McDonald’s advertisement depicts a young African American family sitting inside the restaurant with the caption “Do your Dinnertimin’ at McDonald’s.”  (Cruz 2015).

Osei Appiah and Dana Saewitz researched the advertisement industry and academic institutions in the United States. They found both the marketing industry and academic institutions were lacking in diversity. Because of the lack of minorities in these spaces, commercials and other forms of advertisements continued to use racial stereotypes. There have been signs of progress as more minorities have been hired to work in the marketing industry. However, they are usually in fields that do not have the power necessary to make the changes to advertising techniques. They concluded that with more diversity of academia, the more ethnic minorities will have the tools needed to obtain jobs in marketing. Until these changes occur, racial stereotypes will continue to be used (Appiah and Saewitz 2016).

In an interview conducted in 2016, Popeyes spokesperson Deidrie Henry,  discussed her character’s  heritage as well as her Louisiana style Cajun and Creole chicken. Henry, a native of Barbados did not move to America until she was 10 years old (Wartelle 2016).

As a spokesperson of Popeyes,  she plays the role of  Annie  – a white-washed name – that presents herself with a maternal southern persona (Wartelle 2016). The stereotype of “Annie from Popeyes” taps into the market of black culture, but since she is not too black, she is still able to appeal to white consumers.  This tactic is problematic because it falsely represents black culture and white washes years of history and experiences. Companies take advantage of the lack of diversity in media and change the image to fit their motive.  Popeyes continues to showcase Deidrie Henry misleading consumers, making them believe they are receiving an authentic experience. These companies appeal to black consumers who think they are being represented, but in reality, are being taken advantage of and exploited.

The importance of these findings contributes to the phenomenon of white washing and the exploitation of black culture because companies make a lot of money off of black consumers and black culture, yet the money is never funneled back into the black community. Whatever may be funneled back into African American communities is not money, but the damaging effects of “stealing one’s culture.” White consumers take advantage of the “diverse” backgrounds of these companies and connect it to “better times.” White companies have these stereotypical ideas and expectations that limit the growth of black employment and achievement.

Lack of Diversity and Marketing Effectiveness

Researchers Pravat Choudhury and Lawrence Schmid acknowledged that more African Americans appeared in commercials . As a result, they wanted to test the effectiveness of commercials at reaching black consumers. After conducting research on both African American and white test groups, it was concluded that the use of black models in advertisements did help African American consumers remember the advertisement better. It did not however, have the same effect of white consumers (Choudhury and Schmid 1974). In a study conducted by researchers testing the effects of racial stereotypes on African American youth, researchers concluded positive stereotypes did not have a great impact on the children. However, the use of negative stereotypes had a lasting and damaging effect of youth in the African American community (Adams-Bass, Valerie N.,  Stevenson, and Kotzin. 2014, 367–95).

The idea that African Americans lack the ability to work in white collar fields, makes it difficult for African Americans to find employment in marketing companies to tackle the misrepresentation of race in the food industry. In a study conducted by Madison Avenue Project, African Americans make up 13% of the United States population but only make up 5.3% of advertising managers and professionals (Adage 2011). The miniscule number of African Americans in the marketing industry make many of the employees uncomfortable to speak out against the stereotypical portrayal of African Americans in media.

Conclusion

Since the 1800’s, the traditional mammy stereotypes and modern stereotypes like the enjoyment of fried chicken has been and continues to be used by big corporations like Aunt Jemima, Uncle Ben, Burger King, and Popeyes, giving an unrealistic and negative connotation of the African American community. These racial depictions in the food advertisement industry has allowed for stereotypes to still exist. These racial stereotypes in food advertisements continue to impact the African American community. Although businesses use stereotyping to sell products, the conversations surrounding these issues have brought attention to changing company marketing strategies. By adding minorities into the workforce, African Americans becoming entrepreneurs to fight against prejudice and discriminatory practices.

Works Cited

Adage. 2003. “African-Americans: Representations in Advertising” Accessed Nov 1, 2018. https://adage.com/article/adage-encyclopedia/african-americans-representationsadvertising/98304/

Adage. 2011. “Minneapolis’ Brandlab Aims to Diversify Ad World’s Future“ Accessed November 13, 2018. https://adage-com.ezproxy.umw.edu/article/news/minneapolis-brandlab-aims-diversify-advertising-s-future/147955/

Adams-Bass, Valerie N., Howard C. Stevenson, and Diana Slaughter Kotzin. 2014. “Measuring the Meaning of Black Media Stereotypes and Their Relationship to the Racial Identity, Black History Knowledge, and Racial Socialization of African American Youth.” Journal of Black Studies 45, no. 5 (July): 367–95. doi:10.1177/0021934714530396.

Appiah, O., & Saewitz, D. 2016. “Advertising industry diversity: We’ve “kind of” come a long way baby, but larger pipeline and more intentional action from industry and educators needed.” Journal of Advertising Education, 20(1), 92-96,6. http://ezproxy.umw.edu/login?url=https://search-proquestcom.ezproxy.umw.edu/docview/1812273696?accountid=12299

Aunt Jemima. N.d. “Our History.” Accessed November 13, 2018. http://www.auntjemima.com/our-history

Bean, Annemarie, James Vernon Hatch, and Brooks McNamara. 1996. Inside the Minstrel Mask : Readings in Nineteenth-Century Blackface Minstrelsy. Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press. https://umw.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=45124&site=ehost-live.

Choudhury, Pravat K., and Lawrence S. Schmid. 1974. “Black Models in Advertising to Blacks.” Journal of Advertising Research 14 (3): 19. http://ezproxy.umw.edu:2048/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db= bth&AN=7031518&site=ehost-live.

Cohen, Marcie. 2014. The Edible South: The Power of Food and the Making of an American Region. The University of North Carolina Press.

Cornell University. N.d. “Trade Cards An Illustrated History.” Accessed December 1, 2018.

http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/tradecards/exhibition/history/index.html#modalClosed

Cruz, Lenika. 2015.”Dinnertimin’ and ‘No Tipping’: How Advertisers Targeted Black Consumers in the 1970s” Accessed November 1, 2018. https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/06/casual-racism-and-greater-diversityin-70s-advertising/394958/

Delegard, Kirsten. 2013. “Cream of Wheat: Race and the Birth of the Packaged Food Industry in Minneapolis.”Accessed November 14, 2018. http://historyapolis.com/blog/2013/12/17/cream-of-wheat-race-and-the-birth-of-the-packaged-food-industry-in-minneapolis/

Dictionary.com. N.d. “Rastus.” Accessed November 14, 2018 https://www.dictionary.com/browse/rastus

Hale, Grace Elizabeth. 1998. Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890-1940. New York: Pantheon Books.

Historyonthenet.com. 2012. “Caricatures of African Americans: The Coon.” Last modified November 25, 2012. https://www.historyonthenet.com/authentichistory/diversity/african/3-coon/1-history/index.html

Ibrahim, Yasmin. 2016. “The Negro Problem marketing dilemma: Dominant marketing discourses in the US from the 1950s to the 1970s.”Journal of Historical Research in Marketing; Bingley Vol. 8, Iss. 4. http://ezproxy.umw.edu/login?url=https:/ /search-proquestcom.ezproxy.umw.edu/docview/1845150745?accountid=12299

National Museum of African American History and Culture n.d. “Blackface: The Birth of An American Stereotype”. Accessed November 12, 2018. https://nmaahc.si.edu/blog-post/blackface-birth-american-stereotype

Taylor, Erica. N.d. “Little Known Black History Fact: The History of Aunt Jemima.” Accessed November 13, 2018. https://blackamericaweb.com/2013/03/28/little-known-black-history-fact-the-history-of-aunt-jemima/

University of South Florida. N.d. “Plantation Nostalgia.” Accessed December 1, 2018.

http://exhibits.lib.usf.edu/exhibits/show/minstrelsy/jimcrow-to-jolson/plantation-nostalgia

Wartelle, Kris. 2016. “What’s life like for the famous Popeye’s lady?” Last modified July 12, 2016. https://www.theadvertiser.com/story/life/luxury/2016/01/27/exclusive-popeyes-woman-shares-mind-blowing-secrets/79304556/

The Use of Food in Southern Living as a Reflection of the Ideals of the Old South

By Sarah Dail

Southern Living is perhaps one of the most recognized magazines in the South, if not the entire country. Since the magazine’s first publication, consumer trends have evolved and the nation has been rocked by major social movements that have improved the lives of African Americans and women. One might expect that a regional magazine such as Southern Living would reflect these social changes and how they have affected the region, however this is not the case. While the Southern Living magazine has made minor changes to its food articles by adding new recipes to match consumer trends, overall, the magazine’s fixation on creating a positive portrayal of the region has stagnated the representations of southern food and of those that partake in southern culture.

Southern Living was founded by the Progressive Farmer Company in the mid-1960s, which was at the time based in Birmingham, Alabama (Lauder 2007). During these years, the magazine industry as a whole experienced a decline in general-interest publications, and instead experienced an increase in magazines targeted for a specific audience (Abrahamson and Baker 1992). Southern Living followed this industry-wide trend, focusing on the food, home design, and recreation specific to the South. The Progressive Farmer Company’s formula for success started to crack in the 2000s, as the decline of ad pages and the increase of readership age kept the magazine from growing (Moses 2007). In the 41 years between its first publication in 1966 and 2008, the magazine had not been through any major redesigns (Moses 2007). This changed in 2008 when Southern Living revamped the layout and added new sections in order to entice advertisers and the younger generation (Moses 2007). However, the original ideas behind this magazine have also had a considerable influence on how Southern Living is presented today. This magazine was founded during a time characterized by increasing social unrest stemming from the civil rights movement. This unrest generated a lot of negative perceptions of the South, so Southern Living aimed to counteract those views (Lauder 2007). The Progressive Farmer Company achieved this by drawing attention away from major social movements and maintaining the stereotypical roles of African Americans and women (Lauder 2007). Generally, the magazine upheld the ‘Old South’ ideals held by the white population.

Marketing and Readership

While Southern Living aspired to be a positive source of media for the region, the magazine was only interested in providing a positive representation of the South for the white population. Southern Living was mainly targeted towards upper-class white suburban women, as shown by its readership and portrayals of people in the articles. The publishers of the magazine, however, did not state this outright, instead asserting that the content of Southern Living would be interesting to men as well (Lauder 2007). But even despite this claim, male readership was never exceptionally high. In the late 1970s, only 36 percent of those who read the magazine were men, and by 2003 it had dropped to 23 percent (Lauder 2004). This supports the fact that the magazine was targeted towards women. During this time period, women made the majority of household purchases, making them a perfect audience for advertisers (Lauder, 2007). Of course, women could only purchase magazines and other non-necessities if they had the extra income to do so, so the key to Southern Living’s success was to capitalize on an affluent, primarily white audience (Lauder 2007). Due to the focus on a white audience, readership by minorities has always been relatively low. About 5 percent of the magazine’s readers were African American in the 1980s and increased to 10 percent by the late 1990s (Lauder 2004). This low readership is not surprising given the portrayal of minorities in Southern Living’s articles. In the first four years of publication, African Americans were mentioned only seven times, and were never included in personality features (Lauder 2007, 2012). In fact, African Americans and other ethnic minorities never appeared in the pages of Southern Living as part of food-related articles (Lauder 2007, 2012). In an analysis of publications in 1992, non-whites are mentioned in the text of approximately 10 percent of articles and appear in about 5 percent of images (Fry 1994). In an analysis of images from 2006 to 2010, non-whites were included 17 percent of the time (Lauder 2012). When non-whites are portrayed, they are often shown in subservient positions to whites with no discussion of their narratives or experiences (Lauder 2012; Fry 1994). This lack of non-white representation highlights the extent to which these groups are overlooked or shunned as potential readers of this magazine (Fry 1994). While Southern Living was not deliberately racist, the publishers were “guilty of treating non-whites as elements of the regional culture to be enjoyed or consumed by whites of the region” (Lauder 2007, 207). Indeed, the editors of the magazine argue that it reflects the readers themselves (Jones 2009). However, the editors admit to not including the whole picture of the South in Southern Living (Jones 2009). With so little representation for minorities, the magazine was clearly meant for white southerners.

Changing Consumer Trends and the Redesign

In recent years, Southern Living has attempted to become more contemporary by redefining what is considered southern food. The magazine’s articles have reflected a few consumer trends, such as gourmet food and healthier recipes. However, these changes to the recipes are not a reflection of increasing inclusivity in Southern Living’s marketing strategies, but of differences in white consumer trends. The gourmet trend thrived in the 1980s and focused on international, high-quality ingredients, such as pesto, pink peppercorns, and imported cheeses (Ferris 2014). Unfortunately, these ingredients are more expensive, and are only available to those who can afford it. There is a large wage gap between white and African American workers, though the gap has shrunk substantially (Smith 1993). Since southern African Americans are typically earn less than their white counterparts, this trend is more accessible by the white community. Gourmet especially was embraced by Southern Living, but international dishes have also slowly made their way into the food articles (Ferris 2014; Jones 2009). With the increasing Hispanic and Asian populations in the South, international flavors have become more popular (Jones 2009; Ferris 2014). The editors have also recognized the growing popularity of fresh produce acquired at local food markets, and they have altered the food content to draw on these ingredients (Jones 2009). Consumers had become aware of the negative impacts of industrial farming and sought these new choices (Edge 2017). Related to this, there has been an awareness of the seasonality of ingredients and dishes (Jones 2009). Again, these ingredients are only available to those who can afford it, mainly the white population.

As previously mentioned, Southern Living went through its first major redesign in 2008. With this redesign, a Healthy Living section was added to every issue. Many southerners had become more concerned with their diets and the healthiness of their meals, so traditional southern recipes like fried chicken were slowly replaced with healthier recipes (Jones 2009). But just as gourmet ingredients and fresh produce are outside the price range of many southern African Americans, so too are the ingredients that are part of healthy recipes. Editors hoped that this revamp of the magazine would attract advertisers and appeal to the younger generation, as the median reader age has been slowly increasing (Moses 2007). The look of Southern Living has changed as well, with cleaner layouts and easier navigation (Moses 2007). However, the visual shifts of the magazine were made gradually because the editors understood the South’s avoidance of change (Jones 2009). There has also been an aim to further modernize the magazine by embracing the ‘new South,’ incorporating a wider variety of dishes (Bazilian 2012). But while Southern Living has appealed to consumer trends, these trends fail to be inclusive to the whole southern population.

A Focus on the Historical South

Despite these changes, the overarching goal of Southern Living has remained constant. The magazine’s articles focused on the historic South as a way to maintain a positive portrayal of the region. When the Progressive Farmer Company considered how to expand its empire, one main issue stood out: overcoming the increasingly negative perception and publicity of the South stemming from the civil rights movement that was occurring during this time (Lauder 2007). As national media spread these events and opinions, southerners increasingly felt neglected and misunderstood, and longed for positive reflections of the region they loved (Reed 2002; Edge 2017). In order to reverse these negative perceptions and restore faith in the South, the Progressive Farmer Company’s objective was to create a publication that was devoted to celebrating the region, as opposed to portraying the South and southerners negatively as other media did (Lauder 2007). In effect, Southern Living took advantage of the weariness of white southerners from hearing these negative views of their homeland (Edge 2017). Before publication, it was argued that the magazine would be popular specifically because the negative portrayals of the South created a market of southerners wanting positive representations of the region (Lauder 2004, 2007). However, in order to accomplish this positivity, they promoted only the positive features of the region, while softening and even overlooking the negative aspects (Lauder 2007). In 2006, the editor said, “I want the pages of Southern Living to showcase all the wonderful things our region and its people have to offer,” but this came with the exclusion of stories dealing with civic issues, socio-economic problems, and politics (Jones 2009; Reed 2002). As their world was being turned upside down with increased racial tensions and urbanization, Southern Living’s audience was frantically trying to cling to their roots and traditions, afraid that their lives were changing too much (Lauder 2007). As a consequence, this magazine maintained the ideal of the ‘Old South,’ recognizing the developmental years of southern history, including the antebellum and the Civil War periods (Fry 1994). Many have criticized Southern Living for its unrelenting positivity and elimination of the negative aspects of southern life (Reed 2002; Edge 2017). Nevertheless, some argue that Southern Living has given southerners hope of a brighter future (Reed 2002; Edge 2017). However, since the magazine is targeted toward the white population and excludes representation of minorities, Southern Living is likely to continue its emphasis on white power in the future.

Reaction to Social Movements

Southern Living was founded in the midst of the civil rights movement. However, in an attempt to preserve the image of the South, this magazine was born out of a desire to mask the racial unrest. New technology emerged in the 1950s that allowed journalists to illustrate the appalling events of the civil rights movement, both in magazines and on television (Lauder 2004, 2007). By the early 1960s, these intense reports had become a primary topic of national news and media (Lauder 2004, 2007). As discussed in the previous section, the Progressive Farmer Company wanted to create a magazine that would provide southern readers with a positive portrayal of the South, and this was especially true in light of the negative perceptions of non-southerners generated by the shocking events of the civil rights movement. (Lauder 2004). Southern Living purposefully ignored the civil rights movement and racial tensions in their articles, a fact that was acknowledged by the editors of the magazine (Lauder 2004, 2012). In order to keep these topics out of their magazine, there was a policy in place that was opposed to opinion-based editorials, which enabled the magazine to avoid controversial topics (Lauder 2007). The magazine wanted to interest readers in food, gardening, and homemaking, not in the racial tensions of that time period (Lauder 2007). In addition to ignoring the racial tensions, Southern Living also reacted to the civil rights movement by seeking methods to remove Birmingham’s association with the magazine (Lauder 2004). Unfortunately, buy ignoring the civil rights movement, the magazine commodifies racial repression and maintains a white power structure and the accompanying racial tensions without providing accurate portrayals of all the racial dynamics within the region (Fry 1994).

Just as Southern Living fought against the racial unrest of the civil rights movement, it also tried to cover up the unrest stemming from the women’s movement of the 1960s and 70s. Unlike the civil rights movement which grew from unrest within the South, the women’s rights movement developed on a more national scale (Lauder 2004). But like its reaction to the civil rights movement, Southern Living essentially ignored the women’s movement in order to preserve a historic image of the South. In the pre-Civil War days, women were considered successful in terms of their work as wives, mothers, and homemakers (Lauder 2007). With the South so against change, this traditional role of the southern lady went unchallenged until the 1960s, when women were turning away from domestic roles and exploring new options for work and self-fulfillment (Lauder 2004). But with a focus on the Old South, Southern Living failed to portray women in progressive roles during this time of discontent (Lauder 2007). However, there were a couple significant exceptions where the magazine attempted to break with the stereotypical roles or women (Lauder 2007). The Singular Southerners column commended the professional achievements of women who chose traditionally male-dominated professions (Lauder 2007). Additionally, in one issue, Southern Living offered women a guide to the stock market, saying how they should have more financial control (Lauder 2007). However, even these articles were plagued by gendered remarks that often discussed women’s physical appearance (Lauder 2007). But when it came to the food articles, the traditional role of women as homemakers shone through. Just as the preoccupation with the antebellum South had an effect on the representation of minorities, it also affected the gender roles present in the magazine.

Conclusion

Despite the superficial changes to its food articles with the adherence to consumer trends, the Southern Living’s obsession with being a positive source of media for the region has emphasize the Old South ideals in the representations of southern people and their food. Those changes excluded those who could not afford to live the lifestyle depicted in the magazine, namely African Americans. But the influence of the social unrest had just as much influence on the content of Southern Living when compared to the redesign in 2008. In order to challenge the negative perceptions generated by the media and provide a positive reflection of the South, the magazine replicated the ideals of the historic South, including the ideas that African Americans should be subservient and that women should stay in their traditional homemaker roles. Southern Living failed to include representations of the whole southern population and failed to address the social issues stemming from race and gender.

While Southern Living is not a complete guide to southern culture, the magazine is a reflection of the region’s values, particularly the values of the white upper-class population. Given the popularity of this magazine, this portrayal of white power is important to consider when evaluating Southern Living’s food articles as a representation of southern food. With its lack of inclusivity, this magazine should not be considered a completely accurate portrayal of the region’s foodways.

Works Cited

Abrahamson, David, and Baker, Paul R. The Rise of the Special-interest Magazine in “The Other 1960s”: An Economic and Sociocultural History, 1992, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses.

Bazilian, Emma. 2012. “Southern Comfort.” Adweek: 18-21.

Edge, John T. 2017. “Cooking School.” Essay. In The Potlikker Papers, 199–212. New York, NY: Penguin Press.

Ferris, Marcie Cohen. 2014. “New Southern Cuisine.” Essay. In The Edible South, 315–32. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press.

Fry, Katherine Grace. 1994. “Old South, Agrarian Midwest and Frontier West: Discourses of Repression and Consumption in “Southern Living”, “Midwest Living”, and “Sunset” Magazines.” Order No. 9434676, Temple University.

Jones, Megan Norris. 2009. “Defining the Southern in “Southern Living”.” Order No. 1504698, University of Missouri – Columbia.

Lauder, Tracy. 2004. “The Birth of “Southern Living” in the 1960s.” Order No. 3155882, The University of Alabama.

Lauder, Tracy. 2007. “The Southern Living Solution: How the Progressive Farmer Launched a Magazine and a Legacy.” Alabama Review 60 (3): 186–221.

Lauder, Tracy. 2012. “Southern Identity in Southern Living Magazine.” Journal of Geography 111 (1): 27–38.

Moses, Lucia. 2007. “Southern Discomfort.” Mediaweek 17 (37): 38–39.

Reed, J. (2002). The Journal of Southern History, 68 (2): 513-515.

Smith, James P. 1993. “Affirmative Action and the Racial Wage Gap.” The American Economic Review 83 (2) (05): 79.