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Unfortunately, the fact is that these laws are routinely ignored by the UK and other EU nations. Some examples include:

• UK law says there should be exceptional reasons to remove any child from its family, yet this is always done, routinely, and often for spitefully trivial reasons.
• UK law states that foreign children should not be removed without consulting with the appropriate consulate, yet this is never done in practice.
• UK law has ample provision to investigate allegations of child-abusers within families or institutions; but often the police don’t act on it, as in the case of the whistleblower kids or VIP paedophiles like Greville Janner, Leon Brittan etc
• The powerful family courts have the potential flexibility to cut out unnecessary bureaucracy and instead keep the childrens’ welfare uppermost in their priorities. but instead they use this flexibility to take children from non-abusive parents and either place them in care, which is often abusive, or back with the abusive parent.
• UK law has ample provision to complain about police and judicial misconduct with the IPCC and JCIO, but in practice these complaints are deflected and stonewalled with complete contempt for the complainant and the abusers they are supposed to support and empower. Again, the process is there, but in practice its function is cynically manipulated to support abusers and not victims.

Unfortunately, as well as these occasionally ‘reasonable’ laws and institutions which are ignored, we also have utterly ridiculous ones which are not ignored. So in the UK we have laws which allow child-removal where no crime has been committed, or where mind-boggling “care services” identify things like a ‘possible future risk of emotional harm’ and so-on, which the police always leap on. And once children are in care, since 2009, Jack Straw’s law has made it illegal for them to even report any abuse they receive, and parents aren’t even allowed to tell their children they love them etc.

This is criminalising being a victim, let alone being loving parents!

In summary, the good laws are ignored, and the bad laws are over-scrupulously adhered to. Or, as John Hemming MP used to say:

Social Services get involved when they shouldn’t and they don’t get involved when they should.

The question has to be why? but a full answer to that is beyond the scope of this book. However, Sabine did discover that in the context of white collar crimes:

‘Royal Charters’ are the ticket to immunity from prosecution.

which goes some way to explain why so many abusers can be found within the system, when perhaps one would have expected it to be full of compassionate people. It is also worth reflecting on the various complaints of child-abuse that have been directed at the British Royal Family and their entourage.

Compounding the initial problem of law-making, and turning the malaise into a chronic one, EU bureaucracy doesn’t seem to realise that its laws and recommendations, whether good or bad, are being ignored or misapplied, so that no matter how many presentations are given to it on the differences between UK and EU law, or the UK ignoring EU law (or its own) in the matter of state child-snatching, forced-adoption and systemic child-abuse, nothing changes.

The only recourse has to be to the people.

If you care about the issue of forced-adoption and are worried about the degenerate way our institutions are treating the best in us, our children, the system cannot be relied upon, and matters have to be taken into our own hands.

We have to act on our consciences, if only we can remember them long enough to do so, amidst all the carefully-distracting news items and enticing TV adverts.

The stark question we have to ask ourselves is a simple one: do we care enough?